Joined August 2009
Politicians and their advisors still remain ignorant of what will be needed to achieve economic recovery after the next crash. These essays by @GGReisman explain why knee-jerk policy responses will again only delay recovery: georgereismansblog.blogspot.… & georgereismansblog.blogspot.…
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And Monday will be 39 years to the day….
The Bond Market Is Beginning To Price The Economic Damage Ahead The 10 year Treasury yield has fallen toward 5.06%, reversing roughly 27 basis points from its recent peak near 5.33%, despite producer inflation of 6.3%, persistent energy disruption and a Fed that recently raised rates. The bond market may be reassessing what expensive financing means for investment, profitability and future growth. What the Bond Market Is Telling Us Between October 5 and October 15, official Treasury data show • Nominal 10 year yields fell 21 basis points • Real 10 year yields declined 17 basis points • Implied inflation compensation declined just 4 basis points Roughly 81% of the decline came through real yields rather than inflation compensation. Investors are demanding less real yield to own Treasuries even though inflation remains elevated, consistent with concern about future growth and investment returns. On October 15, the 10 year fell roughly 10 basis points while the 2 year declined less than 5. This bull flattening suggests demand for duration protection before markets fully price aggressive Fed easing. Why the AI Selloff Matters Microsoft, Alphabet, Amazon and Meta are spending enormous sums on data centers and AI infrastructure. Oracle and CoreWeave face particularly acute scrutiny over debt financing and cash flow. OpenAI and Anthropic are major buyers whose future commitments depend on revenue growth and funding. Credit protection costs have risen sharply for Oracle and especially CoreWeave. Investors are questioning whether enormous upfront investments can generate enough cash to justify their financing. The stress is international. South Korea’s KOSPI plunged 7.57%, Samsung fell 9.5% and SK Hynix declined 11.1%. These semiconductor companies are highly exposed to global AI infrastructure spending, including demand associated with NVIDIA. AI spending has not collapsed. But higher financing costs and weaker expected returns may eventually force reductions in capital spending, equipment orders and hiring. The Larger Macroeconomic Problem The Fed has raised rates into an energy shock that monetary tightening cannot resolve. Diesel producer prices are up 115.2% annually, while freight expenses, refinancing burdens and household purchasing power remain under pressure. Higher rates cannot restore refining capacity or reopen shipping routes. They can suppress consumption, investment and credit creation, especially among leveraged borrowers. This echoes elements of the 2000 technology downturn and the credit deterioration preceding 2008, when Treasury yields fell as investors reassessed future growth. Today’s rally does not confirm anything yet. Major AI firms are still investing, and broad credit stress remains less severe than the problems facing individual borrowers. But if corporate spreads keep widening, real activity weakens and AI valuations deteriorate, the bid for Treasuries could become much more persistent. Under those conditions, I believe the 10 year could move toward 4.70% to 4.90% over the next several months. Falling Treasury yields do not necessarily mean easier financing. Government debt can rally while credit becomes more expensive for vulnerable companies. My read is that the 10 year is beginning to recognize the economic damage from restrictive rates and persistent energy inflation. If that deterioration broadens, yields may have further to fall.
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Mikiel de Bary retweeted
Ayn Rand's significant contribution is to answer the big questions about human life raised by classic philosophers, but better identifying what's distinctive about the human form of life and the virtues it demands.
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Dear Secretary Bessent @SecScottBessent, My name is Everett Stern. In 2010 I was a compliance officer at @HSBC. From a back office in New Castle, Delaware, I watched billions of dollars move to drug cartels, sanctioned regimes, and terrorist organizations. The enemies of the United States. I documented it, I escalated it, and when the bank would not act, I took it to the @FBI, the @CIA, and eventually the @SECGov. The result was a $1.92 billion settlement. At the time, it was one of the largest in American history. It was also about five weeks of the bank’s profit. Not one banker was charged. Not one went to prison. I paid a different price. I lost my career, my savings, and my place in the industry I had trained for. I was blacklisted. Every door in American finance closed at once. I slept on a camping cot in a 300 square foot apartment because I could not afford a bed, and I waited tables at @PFChangs to eat. I tell you this not for sympathy, but so you understand that I know exactly what it costs to do the right thing in American finance, and exactly how little the system does in return. I made that sacrifice because I believed it would change something. Yesterday, your department fined @BankofAmerica $1.2 billion for failing to report more than $5 billion in suspicious transactions, some of it tied by your own findings to Chinese laundering networks, narcotics, and the southwest border, alongside 475 apparent sanctions violations touching Russia, Iran, and global terrorism. The bank admitted it willfully violated the Bank Secrecy Act. Fourteen years after HSBC. A bank with “America” in its name. And once again, not one individual charged. Secretary Bessent, I want to say plainly what I believe you already know. The fines are not working. A fine is paid by shareholders, absorbed by the balance sheet, and forgotten by the next earnings call. Bank of America reported earnings this morning. Nobody who set the alert thresholds, nobody who decided the 2024 cease and desist could wait, nobody who chose the backlog over the law will lose a single thing they value. Their lives are untouched. That is the entire reason the behavior repeats. This is money laundering. This is blood money. Money that reaches a cartel buys fentanyl that kills Americans. Money that reaches a terrorist organization buys the next attack. This country has fought a war on drugs and a war on terror for decades, at enormous cost in lives and treasure, and all the while we have allowed the financing to flow through institutions we charter and regulate. Cut off the money and we win. We have never seriously tried. There is also a question of equal justice that I cannot let go. Before I walked into the FBI building to report HSBC, I stopped in front of the Great Seal on the wall and read the words engraved beneath it: “Justice is the defense of our liberty.” I believed that. I still want to. But every day in this country, people go to prison for crimes that are nothing next to moving money for the people who want Americans dead. A suit, a title, and a corporate badge should not be a shield from the consequences that apply to everyone else. If a street dealer goes to prison for what he sells, the banker who moved the cartel’s money should be standing next to him. I also want to raise something that is rarely said in these conversations. Why has no one inside Bank of America come forward the way I did? The answer is that everyone in American banking knows what happened to me, and to the whistleblowers who came after. The last person who spoke up is the only policy anyone believes. That is a culture problem, and it starts with leadership, in the banks and in the agencies that regulate them. This is not a political issue. It has spanned administrations of both parties. It is a national security issue, and I am asking you to treat it as one. Three things would change the math overnight. Refer individuals for criminal prosecution. Not the analyst in the queue. The executives who set the thresholds and chose the risk. One banker in handcuffs would do more than every fine in Treasury’s history combined. End “too big to jail.” An institution cannot be too big to fail and too big to jail at the same time. If it is the first, it must be held to a higher standard, not a lower one. And if Bank of America will not act as America’s bank, review its charter. A national charter is a privilege granted on behalf of the American people. It should be conditioned on not moving money for the people trying to kill them. Secretary Bessent, you said yesterday that these actions send a clear message that even the biggest institutions are not above the law. With respect, the institution was never the problem. The people inside it are above the law, and they know it. Until that changes, I will keep writing letters like this one, and the next bank will keep paying the next fine. I gave up everything I had to stop this. I am asking you to use the power you have to finish it. Respectfully, Everett A. Stern HSBC Whistleblower Founder and Intelligence Director, Tactical Rabbit
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“…a six-week price spike in a single commodity, followed by a rapid, self-correcting market adjustment, in an economy that then dominated global trade for another generation.”
The tulip mania of 1637 is one of history's most abused cautionary tales, dragged out whenever someone needs a quick metaphor for irrational markets. The actual timeline tells a different story. Tulip futures trading in the Dutch Republic operated as a genuine, functioning market for years before the famous crash. Rare tulip varieties, particularly Semper Augustus and Viceroy cultivars, commanded high prices because they were genuinely scarce and genuinely beautiful. Wealthy Dutch merchants treated them as luxury status goods, which they were. The speculative futures contracts that developed in 1636 extended trading to tavern-based informal markets, where buyers agreed to purchase bulbs still in the ground. The futures market drew in a new class of smaller traders who lacked the capital base of the original merchant speculators. The actual mania period lasted only about six weeks. Prices peaked in early February 1637 and collapsed by the end of that same month. Six weeks. Frequently cited price charts showing years of runaway speculation compress and distort that timeline. At the peak, a single Semper Augustus bulb sold for approximately 6,000 guilders, roughly the cost of a fine Amsterdam canal house. That was genuinely unsustainable, and market participants knew it, which is why the exit was so fast. When buyers at a Haarlem auction on February 3, 1637 failed to bid at expected prices, the market repriced immediately. No central committee met to manage the decline. No bailout followed. The Dutch government ultimately ruled that futures contracts signed after November 1636 could be voided for a small fee, around 3.5 percent of the contract value, which actually limited the legal carnage rather than extending it. Recovery was not slow. The Dutch economy, already the most sophisticated in the world, absorbed the loss and continued expanding. The Dutch East India Company kept paying dividends. Amsterdam remained the center of global finance through the 1650s and well beyond. Farmers who held actual bulb stock took losses; leveraged speculators in informal tavern contracts took larger ones. The people who suffered most were the ones who speculated most aggressively with money they didn't have. The market sorted exactly the right people. What you are left with is a six-week price spike in a single commodity, followed by a rapid, self-correcting market adjustment, in an economy that then dominated global trade for another generation. The "mania" narrative was largely built retrospectively in the 1841 book "Extraordinary Popular Delusions" by Charles Mackay, a Scottish journalist working two centuries later with limited primary sources. Economists Peter Garber and Earl Thompson examined the primary Dutch records and found the price movements far more rational than Mackay's account suggested. Markets correct. Sometimes violently, always informatively. When left to sort itself out, only reckless participants got wrecked.
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Mikiel de Bary retweeted
Notice that these Republicans — these “conservatives” — never ask Putin’s evil dictatorship to stop bombing, stop murdering, innocent men, women, and children. Our government is a disgrace. Our nation is shamed.
UN Ambassador Mike Waltz on Trump's deal with Putin: "The Ukrainians have been attacking Russian refineries as part of the war. The president has been clear in asking the Ukrainians to stop."
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Mikiel de Bary retweeted
There are those "who can do" & those "who can teach." Very few who can do both. @MarkRPellegrino is one of them. And he does both damn well. He's also one of the smartest & most righteous men in Hollywood. youtu.be/lVnasmhLdaA?si=kdXm… Great interview by @Lieboisout! (1 of 2)
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Mikiel de Bary retweeted
🚨 WOW!! Argentina President Javier Milei just walked up to the mic at the United Nations and RIPPED THEM TO THEIR FACES "It's become a USELESS organization whose only purpose is to sustain a caste of fatefully arrogant PARASITES masquerading as well-intentioned bureaucrats!" 🔥🔥🔥 "The alleged 'defenders of human rights' have sheltered bloodthirsty dictatorships and regimes that stone women in the streets!" "Good people do not think about controlling the lives of their fellow human beings." "Those who were supposed to guarantee collective security and human rights failed in their task. Instead, they allowed chaos, violence and international terrorism to flourish." YOU ARE A LEGEND, @JMilei 👏🏻 Seems like President Trump and Milei both had the BEST speeches at the UN. Pure nationalist first, globalist last The UN is filled with hypocrites who cozy up to Islamism and 3rd world mass migration, while attacking the nations who want to retain their own borders and their national interests Those days are over. MAGA! 🇺🇸🇦🇷
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Mikiel de Bary retweeted
Back in the late 1800s and early 1900s when millions of immigrants flooded our shores, no paperwork was required to immigrate. No passports, visas, or work permits. Anyone who could afford a ticket could board a ship, arrive in America, answer a few basic questions, and be on their way. They could stay as long as they wanted, work wherever they wanted, buy property, start businesses, and basically do anything any American citizen could do. In fact, in most states, they could legally vote in local, state, and even national elections, subject to the same poll tax, literacy test, or other qualifications required of American citizens. If they wanted to naturalize, they just needed to register their intent and were given seven years to complete the paperwork necessary to become American citizens, which millions of immigrants were proud to do. Things began to change in the 1930s with the advent of social security numbers, and then more so with the Alien Registration Act of 1940, signed into law as a WWII security measure. When the war ended, instead of being repealed, in 1946 it evolved into what we now call Green Cards. In effect, we had completely open borders and the country thrived. In fact, during the decades we now call the Gilded Age—the high-growth period that Donald Trump claims he wants to emulate—our borders were wide open. The reason this worked so well is that we had no welfare state. People came to America for freedom and opportunity only. They came to contribute to our economy, not live off it. They did not drain our resources; they added to them. The lesson is that immigration is not the problem. The problem is the welfare state. Shut off that magnet and America will no longer attract people looking for free stuff. In fact, we need to turn off that magnet for everyone, so those who are looking for free stuff will leave to seek it out someplace else.
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See, apparently this--and not, say, economic freedom and defending democracy from dictators' aggression--is what'll make America great again.
Luis Ochoa is 17. He is a U.S. citizen. He was driving with another U.S. citizen to enlist in the Marines when he was pulled over and ripped from his car by ICE. Someone started recording. This is the horrific video. While the boys were being beaten, they repeatedly tell the agents they are CITIZENS — and are ignored. One agent told said, "I don't give a damn. Your parents can't help you now." Both teenagers were detained for hours before being released. They were preparing to serve this country - yet their citizenship did not protect them from being beaten, pepper-sprayed, and detained by their own government. This is what the Nazis did then, and ICE does now.
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Mikiel de Bary retweeted
If we had a president who was an Iranian spy trying to undermine the USA, I suspect he would simply copy Trump's trade policy (1/2, link in reply) 👇
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Very cool! I'll probably always think of it this way now.
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Mikiel de Bary retweeted
The arrival of the world's poorest to the U.S. for work is the biggest, purest middle finger of all to left wingers who believe inequality harms the poor, yet conservatives continue to wrap their obtuse support for deportation in their fear of welfare costs. Furthermore, they know it's not about welfare as evidenced by where armed ICE agents go to find illegal immigrants: at private places of work. When conservatives are asked about this truth, one that rejects their view that immigrants are here for welfare, they quickly change the subject to their reverence for the "rule of law" (something they forget when their man takes us to war without congressional approval), the importance of American culture (yet work defines our culture like nothing else), they call you a "bleeding heart," or they roll out Milton Friedman's tired line about so-called "open borders" not being possible with a welfare state. Their analysis not only vandalizes basic economics, logic and evidence, it's not even cost effective as annual funding for ICE indicates. And the latter doesn't begin to explain the nosebleed costs of deportation. Most of all, conservatives who revel in their prof-life stance blithely gloss over that in sending workers back to gangland countries like Haiti, or literal hellholes like the Congo, South Sudan, and Liberia, they're sending people to their deaths. How situational the right's reverence for life has become. realclearmarkets.com/article…
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Mikiel de Bary retweeted
When grifters are rewarded and workers are penalized and national debt rises to 40 trillion dollars, the future looks darker for Millennials and Gen Z’s. Atlas Shrugged sounded the alarm seventy years ago.
Replying to @GrageDustin
Ayn Rand foresaw Minnesota
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Mikiel de Bary retweeted
Munich's soviet republic fell on 3 May 1919, with about 600 dead when the army retook the city. Budapest's lasted 133 days. Its revolutionary tribunals executed between 370 and 587 people, it seized food from the peasants who then turned on it, and it ended under Romanian occupation. Vienna got a currency crisis, a decade of bitter politics, and a city that stayed standing. Bauer paid for the choice. His own comrades called him a traitor. By Mises's account Bauer knew the argument was right and never forgave him for it: "From that time on I never again spoke with the Bauers." History remembers the men who commanded armies. It almost never remembers the economist who spent his nights arguing so that no army had to march on Vienna. Some victories consist of nothing happening.
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Mikiel de Bary retweeted
Replying to @GGReisman
One of the greatest books ever written.
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So, were the Nazis socialist? Ludwig von Mises insisted that they were certainly not opposites, but rival forms of the same collectivist project. In works such as Omnipotent Government and his broader critique of interventionism, Mises argued that the decisive feature of socialism is not the formal legal title to property, but who actually directs production. In classical socialism the state openly owns the means of production. In the German system that the Nazis developed, private ownership remained on paper, but the state dictated what would be produced, at what prices, with what labour, and for what purposes. The nominal owner was reduced to a manager carrying out official orders. Mises called this the “socialism of the German pattern”. Functionally, it still abolished the market as the coordinating mechanism. Both systems rejected the liberal order of private property, free exchange and individual rights. Both treated the economy as something to be commanded rather than left to the interplay of voluntary decisions and prices. Both subordinated the individual to a collective - the class in one case, the nation or people in the other. And both required extensive coercion to suppress the conflicts and information problems that arise when political authority overrides market signals. Mises did not claim the two regimes were identical in ideology or symbolism. He claimed they shared a deeper economic and political logic: the replacement of private control and market calculation by state direction. That is why he saw the rise of National Socialism not as a repudiation of socialism, but as one of its possible outcomes once the market is abandoned and power is concentrated. The distinction that mattered to him was not between left and right collectivism. It was between systems that allow economic calculation through private property and prices, and systems that destroy it.
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