
ENTJ, Mil Infra , #MadrasSpr, #IITDelhi, #FMSDelhi & #NDC, Consultant, Environmentalist, Security Analyst, Writer, Nation first, Spread happiness & add value
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Joined September 2009
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Brajesh Kumar retweeted
You are deflating credits, sales and taxes by core CPI and GDP by deflator - that makes no sense. There was a clear divergence between the two in FY24-26.
Deflate the whole thing by the same denominator to make it like-for-like. Goose, gander etc.
Replying to @arvindsubraman
4. Most important: applying logic of govt. claims about plausibility of latest nos. imply that GDP growth estimates for previous 15 years, including those for new series, are overstated (figure)
What's sauce for the goose now must also be sauce for the gander in the past
Brajesh Kumar retweeted
Total rubbish, all of us trust our govt, read and understand nos very well, except a few who create fake narratives and who you champion. Subhash Garg turned out to be a liar, Arvind a master of fake narratives and now you! Big shame. This is contrived. @sanjeevsanyal @Sanju_Verma_ @pradip103 @SubramanianKri See the way these folks create fake narratives!
Straight Bat Vlog: what India needs is not just credible GDP numbers, BUT a GTD (Gross Trust Deficit) index. Be far more transparent when putting out important data; equally stop dissing data when it doesn’t suit a narrative. What explains the controversy over GST numbers and why interrogating data is a sign of a healthy democracy. Watch the Full video here: youtu.be/mwHJHIYTyE0?si…
Brajesh Kumar retweeted
Even NYT acknowledges it. When US turned volatile with 50% tariffs, PM @narendramodi didn't react — he responded.
20+ nations in a year. Trade deals with Europe and UK Submarine tech from Germany, student visas from France, increased exports.
Not dependent, not defiant — strategically diversified. This is mature, multi aligned Indian diplomacy. Strategic autonomy in action.
@DrSJaishankar
nytimes.com/2026/08/29/world…
Brajesh Kumar retweeted
Total rubbish. You create doubts on fake grounds, do not back down when exposed, go on lying and then say govt has to clarify. society and citizens have clarified and exposed your utterances multiple times. How long will you go on
Lying?
Replying to @arvindsubraman
2. Trust deficit govt. has created on many data issues lends credence to doubts expressed by a former govt. official that downward revisions to past data are aimed at boosting current numbers
Burden of proof is on govt. to restore trust by fully publishing data & methodology
Brajesh Kumar retweeted
In his article on Sino-Indian boundary issue, @ManishTewari ji states that Pakistan illegaly occupied Shaksgam Valley and then ceeded it to the Chinese when they settled their border in 1963.
This is not completely true.
Reason being, the Pakistani never occupied Shaksgam Valley. They relied on old maps from the British times to claim it as part of Pakistan and simply gave it away when the boundary was drawn using Karakorum watershed as the principle.
With the exception of a grazing ground which lies to north of this watershed in Braldu river valley (which is tributary of Shaksgam River) and which was traditionally used by people of Shimshal to graze their animals. It is accessed after crossing the 15,535 feet high Shimshal Pass - an easy pass by Karakorum standards.
Except for the settled valleys like Leh and Nubra, India under Nehru never bothered to send troops to enforce the borders which it claimed in this region post 1947.
What most people won't know that more than 95% of the area in Ladakh under the Chinese control was taken over by them BEFORE 1962 and BEFORE even a single bullet was fired. Simply because we didn't have any troops to stop them. The disastorous Forward Policy was put in place to finally mark Indian presence AFTER the Chinese had occuppied and were controlling most of Aksai Chin and related areas.
In his incompetence combined with naivety in international relations and geopolitics, Nehru ji was relying on the Chinese goodwill to not violate Indian borders!
Brajesh Kumar retweeted
In fact Delhi has been handling the dragon pretty well post #Galwan
Behind Xi’s swagger lies urgency: Why Delhi must bargain hard with Beijing. Interesting @utpal_kumar1 firstpost.com/opinion/behind…
Brajesh Kumar retweeted
Spot on
The New York Times has taken note of what India has been quietly building over the last one year.
Its latest analysis, “Modi Is Hedging Against Trump, One Deal at a Time,” highlights how Prime Minister Narendra Modi has spent the past year expanding India’s network of strategic and economic partnerships across the world.
According to the NYT, since August 2025, PM Modi has visited at least 20 countries, while leaders from 13 countries have travelled to India. The newspaper describes many of these engagements as focused, business-like negotiations aimed at achieving specific targets rather than merely exchanging diplomatic courtesies. (The New York Times)
And the results are increasingly visible.
🇬🇧 UK A landmark trade deal:
The India-UK FTA, which entered into force on 15 July 2026, cuts or eliminates tariffs across thousands of products. India’s tariffs on Scotch whisky fall from 150% to 75% immediately and to 40% over 10 years, while UK tariffs on 99% of Indian goods are set to be eliminated. The agreement is projected to increase bilateral trade by £25.5 billion annually in the long run. (GOV.UK)
🇪🇺 European Union A historic breakthrough:
After nearly two decades of negotiations, India and the EU concluded negotiations for a Free Trade Agreement on 27 January 2026. The European Commission describes the EU as India’s third-largest trading partner, with goods trade worth €118 billion in 2025. (Trade and Economic Security)
🇫🇷 France AI, innovation and strategic cooperation:
India and France have deepened cooperation in Artificial Intelligence, technology, innovation, research and education. The two countries co-chaired the 2025 AI Action Summit in Paris, which produced around 100 concrete AI-related actions, and in February 2026 elevated their relationship to a “Special Global Strategic Partnership.” (elysee.fr)
🇳🇴 Norway & EFTA Investment and jobs:
The India-EFTA economic partnership, which includes Norway, provides for the EFTA countries to aim to mobilise $100 billion in investment in India over 15 years and facilitate the creation of one million jobs. Norway’s government has reaffirmed this commitment. (Regjeringen.no)
🇰🇷 South Korea Shipbuilding and manufacturing:
South Korea has committed to greater investment and shipbuilding cooperation with India. The partnership includes industrial collaboration, including cooperation involving Indian shipyards and Korean shipbuilding expertise. India’s stated ambition is to become one of the world’s top five shipbuilding nations by 2047. (The New York Times)
🇳🇿 New Zealand Maritime security:
India’s engagement with New Zealand has expanded beyond traditional diplomacy, with discussions focusing on maritime security and trade, building on the defence cooperation framework signed earlier. (The New York Times)
🇩🇪 Germany Defence technology:
The NYT specifically points to submarine technology from Germany as one of the tangible outcomes associated with India’s recent diplomatic outreach. (The New York Times)
This is what makes the NYT analysis significant.
The point is not simply that Prime Minister Modi travels abroad. Indian Prime Ministers have always travelled.
The difference highlighted by the NYT is the focus on specific objectives, measurable targets and concrete economic or strategic outcomes rather than broad declarations alone. (The New York Times)
The newspaper also notes that countries themselves are increasingly looking towards India because of the size and growth of its economy and their own strategic requirements.
Japan and Australia are important partners in the Indo-Pacific. France is working with India on AI and strategic technology. Europe is opening a massive trade opportunity. The UK trade agreement is already in force. Norway and other EFTA countries have committed to major investment ambitions. South Korea is looking at India’s shipbuilding potential.1/2
Brajesh Kumar retweeted
My views on global geo-strtegic reset. An absorbing discussion. My watch & comment
US Tariff पर भारत का साफ इनकार! India-Iran Meeting से अमेरिका परेशान? Tr... youtu.be/AWlRZp-rL6s?si=kE01… via @YouTube
Brajesh Kumar retweeted
World's Fastest Growing Major Economy
2000 ⟶ 🇨🇳 China
2001 ⟶ 🇨🇳 China
2002 ⟶ 🇨🇳 China
2003 ⟶ 🇨🇳 China
2004 ⟶ 🇨🇳 China
2005 ⟶ 🇨🇳 China
2006 ⟶ 🇨🇳 China
2007 ⟶ 🇨🇳 China
2008 ⟶ 🇨🇳 China
2009 ⟶ 🇨🇳 China
2010 ⟶ 🇨🇳 China
2011 ⟶ 🇨🇳 China
2012 ⟶ 🇨🇳 China
2013 ⟶ 🇨🇳 China
2014 ⟶ 🇮🇳 India
2015 ⟶ 🇮🇳 India
2016 ⟶ 🇮🇳 India
2017 ⟶ 🇮🇳 India
2018 ⟶ 🇮🇳 India
2019 ⟶ 🇨🇳 China
2020 ⟶ 🇨🇳 China
2021 ⟶ 🇮🇳 India
2022 ⟶ 🇮🇳 India
2023 ⟶ 🇮🇳 India
2024 ⟶ 🇮🇳 India
2025 ⟶ 🇮🇳 India
2026 ⟶ 🇮🇳 India
Source: International Monetary Fund (IMF) World Economic Outlook Database & World Bank Group Historical Datasets.
#WA
Brajesh Kumar retweeted
जिन लोगों ने हमें मिटाने का प्रयास किया, हमारी आस्था को नष्ट करने का प्रयास किया, वे स्वयं इतिहास के पन्नों से मिट गए...
Brajesh Kumar retweeted
Sindh National Unity Convention
A Proposal for Sindh’s Historical Unity, National Survival, Modern National Reconstruction, Identity, Decolonisation, and a Shared Political and Economic Future
A Sindh National Unity Convention ( Sindh Quami Wahadat Convention) should be convened, initially in Sann and subsequently in Karachi, to safeguard Sindh’s historical unity, territorial integrity, national identity, modern national reconstruction, collective political and economic geography, and shared future, while addressing the fundamental colonial question confronting Sindh.
The proposed Convention must bring together all political parties associated with Sindh’s national movement, Sindh-friendly organisations, religious scholars, labour and peasant representatives, civil society leaders, intellectuals, writers, journalists, students, women, youth, professionals, and representatives of Sindhi-speaking and Urdu-speaking Sindhis.
It should also include representatives of the Pashto-, Punjabi-, Seraiki-, Balochi-, Brahui-, Kutchi-, Memoni-, Dhatki-, Jadgali-, Lasi-, Kashmiri- and other language-speaking communities living in Karachi and the various districts of Sindh.
All those who were born in Sindh, whose political, economic and social interests have been historically connected to the Motherland Sindh, and who consider themselves civically, spiritually and territorially an integral part of Sindhi society, the Sindhi nation and the homeland of Sindh, must be recognised as equal stakeholders in Sindh’s collective future as a Sindhi.
Political leaders, intellectuals, civil society representatives and activists belonging to all linguistic, ethnic, religious and sectarian communities of Sindh should therefore be formally invited to participate in the Sindh National Unity Convention.
The Convention must embody a broad concept of Sindhi nationhood: a national identity founded not upon racial, linguistic, religious or sectarian superiority, but upon a shared homeland, equal citizenship, common political responsibility and commitment to Sindh’s historical unity.
No participant should be required to abandon their mother tongue, cultural heritage, religious faith, or distinct social identity. Sindh’s national unity must recognise diversity as a source of collective strength. Every permanent inhabitant who anchors their future and that of coming generations in Sindh must be treated as an equal member of the national identity and territorial nationhood of Sindh.
The Sindh National Unity Convention should function as a historic national assembly of Sindh’s diverse people, embodying its status as a modern Sindhi nation and society.
It must deliberate upon and adopt important collective decisions concerning the protection of Sindh’s political, economic, territorial and geographical interests; the defence of its land, river, coastline, islands, ports and natural resources; and the preservation of its national identity and demographic future.
The Convention must also address the realities of colonial domination, political repression, economic exploitation, and the systematic denial of Sindh’s national rights. It should formulate a shared political vision along with a democratic, organised strategy for securing Sindh’s national, historical, and secular future.
All centralised, military, and colonial designs directed against Sindh’s historical and national unity must be confronted through collective political wisdom, public mobilisation, and a common national strategy and must be decisively defeated and permanently consigned to history.
The struggle for Sindh’s unity is not directed against any language, ethnicity, religion, or permanent inhabitant of Sindh. It is a struggle to protect a shared homeland and ensure equal rights, dignity, security, and political participation for all its people as one nation of Sindh.
Any attempt to create mistrust or conflict between Sindhi- and Urdu-speaking communities or among any of Sindh’s linguistic, ethnic or religious groups must be recognised as an attack on Sindh’s collective national interest.
A person who promotes hostility against Urdu-speaking Sindhis in the name of Sindh does not serve Sindh’s national cause; such hostility only strengthens the forces seeking to divide the people of Sindh. Equally, anyone who invokes the rights of Urdu-speaking communities to undermine Sindh’s historical unity, language or national identity weakens the future of the very homeland in which those communities permanently live.
Our political opposition is not directed against people or communities. It is directed against the policies and structures that divide people to maintain control over Sindh’s land, resources, political authority and national future.
For this reason, representatives of all Urdu-speaking political organisations, Urdu-speaking intellectuals and civil society leaders should be invited to participate fully in the Convention. Representatives of the Karachi Press Club, journalists’ organisations, writers, academics, lawyers, women, youth, and professional associations should also be accorded meaningful representation.
Distinguished intellectuals, democratic political figures and civil society representatives from Balochistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Kashmir and Punjab should be invited as observers. Their presence would help demonstrate that the protection of Sindh’s national and territorial rights is not an expression of hostility towards other peoples, but part of a broader democratic struggle for the equality, dignity and historical rights of all nations and peoples.
The first Convention should be held in Sann because Sann is not merely a geographical location. It symbolises Sindh’s modern national consciousness, historical self-awareness and the intellectual legacy of Sain G. M. Syed. Convening the first gathering in Sann would connect this new national initiative with the historical and philosophical foundations of Sindh’s modern national movement.
The second and more extensive phase should be held in Karachi.
Karachi is Sindh’s historical capital, economic heart, maritime gateway, centre of labour and industry, and the most visible expression of its multilingual society. Karachi is not a separate political commodity to be negotiated away from Sindh; it is a living and inseparable part of Sindh’s national body.
The journey from Sann to Karachi would symbolically and politically unite Sindh’s national thought with its urban, rural, coastal, industrial, intellectual and working-class life.
Sann represents the intellectual voice of Sindh’s national consciousness, while Karachi represents the living heartbeat of its economic and multilingual society. Bringing them together within one national process would be a practical affirmation of Sindh’s unity.
The Sindh National Unity Convention must not become the property of any single party, leader or organisation. It must provide an equal and dignified platform to all participants. No party should be asked to surrender its separate identity, programme or organisational independence.
Agreement on every ideological or political question is neither possible nor necessary. The minimum national consensus should be that Sindh is a historical homeland; that Karachi and all other regions constitute its indivisible territorial geography; that its people are the principal stakeholders in decisions concerning its future; and that disputes must be addressed through democratic, peaceful and collectively agreed political means.
The Convention should adopt a comprehensive Sann Declaration and a National Charter for the Unity, Survival and Equal Citizenship of Sindh.
The proposed Charter should address:
The protection of Sindh’s historical and territorial unity, including Karachi;
A common national position on proposals for new provinces, federal administrative territories or changes to Sindh’s boundaries;
Sindh’s historical rights over the River Indus and the protection of its riverine ecological system;
The defence of Sindh’s lands, coastline, islands, ports and maritime resources;
The economic rights of Sindh’s people over oil, gas, coal, minerals and other natural resources;
A joint political and legal policy against land dispossession, non-transparent allotments and the displacement of local populations;
Research and documentation concerning demographic engineering and organised interference in Sindh’s population structure;
The effective national status of the Sindhi language in education, public institutions, courts, media and employment;
The protection of Sindh’s historical sites, cultural heritage and collective national memory;
A common position on enforced disappearances, political repression, freedom of expression and human rights;
A national social charter for women, children, religious minorities, workers, peasants, fishermen and historically neglected regions;
Education, employment, professional training and political participation for Sindh’s youth;
An organised role for the Sindhi diaspora in research, international advocacy, diplomacy and global media;
Confidence-building and lasting political cooperation between Sindhi-, Urdu- and other language-speaking communities;
A permanent mechanism to prevent linguistic, ethnic and sectarian conflict; and
A phased programme for political, democratic, sustained and effective national struggle.
The Convention should establish joint peace and national unity committees in Karachi, Hyderabad, Sukkur, Larkana, Mirpurkhas, Nawabshah, Thatta, Badin, Jacobabad, Shikarpur, Khairpur and other cities and districts of Sindh.
Sindhi- and Urdu-speaking writers, intellectuals, journalists, teachers, lawyers, political activists, women, youth, workers, traders and religious leaders should jointly organise rallies, public gatherings, dialogues, literary meetings, seminars and awareness campaigns throughout Sindh.
Sindhi intellectuals should engage directly with Urdu-speaking communities, while Urdu-speaking intellectuals should visit Sindhi-speaking areas to communicate a shared message of equal rights, common citizenship and territorial unity.
Representatives of every language and religion should declare from the same platform:
Hatred against any inhabitant of Sindh on linguistic, ethnic, religious or sectarian grounds is an assault on the national unity of Sindh.
Our response must be fraternity instead of conflict, political thought instead of hatred, truth instead of rumours, unity instead of division, and peaceful democratic struggle instead of violence.
The Convention should also establish a joint fact-checking and rapid-response committee to verify inflammatory claims, counter disinformation, prevent the spread of ethnic hatred and facilitate immediate communication among the representatives of different communities.
The Convention should not conclude merely with speeches, resolutions and photographs. It must produce concrete national outcomes:
Adoption of the Sann Declaration;
Formulation of the National Charter for Sindh’s Unity, Survival and Equal Citizenship;
Establishment of expert committees on water, land, ports, islands, natural resources and demographic change;
Establishment of a permanent representative body under the name Sindh National Unity Assembly;
Formation of a Sindh National Unity Council for coordination and implementation;
District-level public consultative conferences throughout Sindh;
A second and broader national gathering in Karachi;
Launch of a province-wide Sindh Peace and National Unity Campaign;
Joint liaison committees of Sindhi- and Urdu-speaking intellectuals and political activists;
A fact-checking and rapid-response mechanism against disinformation and ethnic incitement;
Communication of Sindh’s collective position in Sindhi, Urdu and English to international institutions, human rights organisations, academic circles and the global media; and
A phased programme based on research, public engagement, legal struggle, democratic mobilisation and international diplomacy.
All central leaders of Sindh’s political parties, together with Sindhi- and Urdu-speaking intellectuals, should make a collective effort to convene this historic Convention.
In particular, Sindh United Party leader Mr Syed Zain Shah and the intellectuals and political leaders associated with his party can play an important and constructive role in initiating consultation, building confidence among different political forces and helping create the conditions for this inclusive national gathering.
This proposal is not a call to accept the leadership of one individual, join one political party or submit to the organisational authority of any single group. It is a call to accept our collective historical responsibility for the survival of our common homeland.
We extend this proposal not only to those who already agree with us, but also to political parties, intellectuals and activists who differ with us on many ideological, strategic and political questions. Agreement on every issue is not required to stand together for the historical unity and collective future of Sindh.
Sindh does not need isolated, weak and fragmented reactions. It requires an intellectually conscious, politically organised, socially inclusive, pluralistic, peaceful and result-oriented national movement.
Let us gather in Sann not to conceal our differences, but to manage them with national responsibility; not to follow one individual, but to give voice to Sindh’s collective national will; and not merely to adopt another resolution, but to initiate a permanent national process for safeguarding Sindh’s historical unity, national survival and shared future.
From Karachi to Kashmore, from Keti Bandar to Karoonjhar, from Thar to Kohistan, and from the Arabian Sea to both banks of the River Indus, our message must be clear:
Many languages, diverse faiths and different political traditions, but one Sindh, one shared homeland and one collective future.
Sindh is not the property of any single party, leader, class, language, or community. We are all trustees of Sindh, and we are Sindh and Sindhi."
Sindh’s unity does not represent the domination of one linguistic group. It is the foundation of equal freedom, dignity, peace, security and a shared future for every inhabitant of Sindh.
Bound by this solemn vow, firm resolve, and unyielding commitment, we affirm ourselves as the true custodians and rightful heirs of the sacred land of Sindh, a homeland that for millennia has stood as a beacon of civilizational dialogue, humanism, and pluralistic tolerance. From the ancient heritage of Mohenjo-daro to the present day, we reclaim our enduring legacy as the rightful stewards and guardians of Sindh's timeless civilizational identity.
Shafi Burfat
Chairman
Jeay Sindh Muttahida Mahaz — JSMM
@SUP_Sindh @Sayed_ZainShah @AyazLatifPalijo @RiazChandio_JSM @JSMRiaz @JSQM_media_cel @khipressclub @KUJ_1950 @OfficialPfuj @faziljamili @MazharAbbasGEO @HasanShazia @NKMalazai @amarguriro @ParvezHoodbhoy @iamthedrifter @NadeemfParacha @Razarumi @SyedMuzammilOFL @Shehzad89 @ThePakistanExp1 @junaidakram83 @PPP_Org @MediaCellPPP @PTISindhOffice @MQMPKOfficial @OfficialMQM @KarachiJamaat @AwamiWorkers @SardarRahim @sindhicongress @SindhiFDN @sindh_sana @SAPAC @VmpSindh7 @HRCP87 @voicepkdotnet @PilerPakistan
My views on global geo-strtegic reset. An absorbing discussion. My watch & comment
US Tariff पर भारत का साफ इनकार! India-Iran Meeting से अमेरिका परेशान? Tr... youtu.be/AWlRZp-rL6s?si=kE01… via @YouTube
Brajesh Kumar retweeted
▶️ईरान को अमेरिकी राष्ट्रपति ट्रंप की धमकी
▶️'होर्मुज के पास ईरानी ठिकानों पर हमले'
#Iran #US #IranUSWar #Hormuz #DonaldTrump #LatestNews | @Surbhirsharma06 @ManishJhaTweets @dikayp @bkum2000
Brajesh Kumar retweeted
Replying to @cyrushavo
Existing Law to be enforced by Courts.
All Criminal prosecution is ILLEGAL
because Central & State Govts.
have not appointed
INDEPENDENT Public Prosecutors
in consultation with
High Courts i.e. all Judges
under Section 18(1) of BNSS.
I am filing PIL in Supreme Court.
India’s intellectual class is @AntiIndia he says & he is not wrong.😑
Brajesh Kumar retweeted
"Are we playing politics with GDP numbers?" Economist @surjitbhalla weighs in on the debate over data accuracy and the change in the GDP base year, saying there is no evidence of political manipulation. @sardesairajdeep reports on #NewsToday.
#NewsToday #GDPNumbers #IndianGovt #BaseYearChange
Brajesh Kumar retweeted
Nearly 2 lakh in just 118 days.
Is this the new normal in Bangladesh?
Can any system sustain this level of policing indefinitely, and does it actually solve the problems it’s meant to address?
What do you think?
#Bangladesh #LawlessBangladesh























