DOUG WILSON: Idaho's Prop 1 is truly a pig’s breakfast of a law. Now having said this much, this is an issue where I feel most free to bind your consciences. If you are eligible to vote in Idaho, then you must do so, and you must vote no. And this public stand, from the pulpit, does not mean that Christ Church is now dabbling in politics. This is prophecy, not politics. Idaho is contemplating an expansion of what they think is their right to murder the innocent. This is a moral issue. It is a foundational moral issue. If this is not a moral issue, then there is no such thing as a moral issue. It is in an entirely different category from an appeal to “vote for Murphy,” simply because Murphy and the pastor are fishing buddies. There used to be a time when candidates from the different political parties inhabited the same moral universe, and it was the part of true wisdom for churches to be very wary of involvement in partisan campaigns. This is no longer the case, and especially not on an issue like this one. So—no. We are not bringing sectarian religious concerns into the political process. We are telling the political worldlings—politicians and. justices both—that fetal dismemberment is obnoxious to the God who is going to judge every mother’s son of them. All the justices of the Supreme Court who voted for Roe are now deceased. They have all appeared before Almighty God, without their robes, and have had to answer for their judicial crime. Those citizens of Idaho who are pushing us to adopt this travesty have not yet died and have not yet appeared before the Judgment Seat. But they are going to. Unless providentially hindered, you need to bank your vote against this monstrosity. Vote early, or vote absentee, or vote on election day, but be sure to vote. On top of that, if at all possible, take two of your friends with you when you go to vote.

Netflix has fired their chief content officer Bela Bajaria. She will be replaced by Peter Rice, the former entertainment chairman at Disney. Netflix's film chief Dan Lin is also expected to be fired, subject to final decision by Peter Rice. (Source: puck.news/netflix-chief-cont…)

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William Symington once wrote, “It is the duty of a nation, as such, enjoying the light of revelation, in virtue of its moral subjection to the messiah, legally to recognize, favor, and support, the true religion.” Today, this is a disputed point. But it is one that is well-supported in Scripture, as this eminent pastor-theologian goes on to prove. I. Because nations are subject to Christ, they have the natural and necessary duty to promote the good of Christianity. Going back to an earlier argument from Ephesians 1:22–23, Christ rules everything in creation for the good of the church. And thus, nations who are under Christ should do the same. II. The civil magistrate, as defined by the New Testament, is the minister of God for good, and a terror, not to good works, but to the evil (Rom. 13). As Symington explains, good and evil are not qualified in any way, but must be defined by Scripture itself. And thus, he makes the case that the New Testament, Romans thirteen included, argues for a Christian magistrate. III. Acknowledging the differences between the Old Testament and the New, Symington demonstrates how multiple rulers under earlier dispensations provide models for ruling in the fear of God. Even Israel, which was to be a witness to the surrounding nations, remains a model for rulers under the reign of Christ, too. IV. Appealing to the light of nature and the testimony of Scripture, Symington makes his longest argument (in this section), explaining the positive ways religion promotes the good of the nation. While retaining the distinction between the heavenly church (see chapter five) and the earthly state, he shows why and how the nation-state is improved by a true church, and hence why a wise magistrate would promote true religion (expressed in both tables of the Ten Commandments) and even provide financially for the church. V. Taking the fourth point from the opposite side, Symington expresses grave concerns for unduly separating church and state. He writes, “We may go farther, and affirm that injurious consequences of the most frightful kind, would spring from insisting on their being entirely separated” (p. 260). Speaking like a prophet to our modern secular age, Symington concludes this chapter by insisting that states have an obligation to seek the good of the church. He notes, “The question is not whether religion can exist without national support, but what is the duty of nations towards the religion and church of Christ” (p. 262). All in all, Symington makes his case for the way that Christ’s universal dominion calls upon states to honor Christ by recognizing, favoring, and supporting the true religion. Without calling for one type of establishment, and acknowledging the places and times where national churches have failed to produce good fruit, he remains committed to the principle that Christ’s kingship demands the obedience of nations. In so doing, his argument speaks volumes to the Church in the West, who has witnessed the destruction of Christendom, because nations and their governors have wholly separated Christ’s church from the state. If you are not familiar with Symington's Messiah the Prince, you should be. You can pre-order a new edition, with my introduction, below.