على العهدِ يا داري سنبقى جنودَكِ.. نذودُ ونحمي رايةً لا تُنَكَّسُ 🇸🇦
Paris, Ile-de-France / Riyadh
Joined April 2012
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سنة 1139هـ (1727م) تولّى الإمام محمد بن سعود الحكم في الدرعية، ومن تلك البلدة الصغيرة على ضفاف وادي حنيفة بدأت دولةٌ جمعت ما تفرّق، وأمّنت ما كان خائفاً، في أرضٍ عرفت الفرقة طويلاً
A Saudi bedouin ⚔️ retweeted
"إذا أصابتني سهامٌ تكسرت النِصالُ على النِصال"؛ الملك سلمان بن عبدالعزيز.
A Saudi bedouin ⚔️ retweeted
اللهم لا تجعل لأرضنا نصيبًا من الحروب، ولا لأهلها نصيبًا من الفقد، ولا لجنودها إلا النصر والسلامة
واجعل هذا الوطن عزيزًا آمنًا مطمئنًا إلى أبد الدهر
A Saudi bedouin ⚔️ retweeted
When Propaganda Becomes Journalism
The Cradle, your own source exposes your reporting.
You claim that 45 civilians were killed in Saudi airstrikes, citing Saba News.
Yet the Houthi-run Saba report explicitly states that 45 people were killed or wounded: 27 deaths and 18 injuries.
You managed to turn 18 wounded civilians into 18 additional fatalities simply by reporting a number you apparently failed to read.
And the problem hardly ends there.
You introduce Yahya Saree as the spokesman for “Yemen’s Armed Forces,” conveniently omitting that he speaks for the Houthi militia, which seized the country’s capital from its internationally recognised government.
His claim of 116 Saudi strikes is presented without independent verification, while the Houthis’ missile attacks against Saudi cities receive none of the scrutiny your headline demands of Riyadh.
Nor do you explain that Taiz, whose suffering you invoke, is enduring a Houthi siege so severe that Human Rights Watch has warned it could constitute the war crime of starvation.
Civilian casualties deserve investigation, whoever is responsible. But that obligation begins with accurately reporting the dead, identifying your sources and examining the conduct of every belligerent.
You have failed those elementary tests.
When a publication cannot distinguish the wounded from the dead, or a militia spokesman from a national military spokesman, perhaps it should investigate its own editorial standards before lecturing the world about accountability.
That is not journalism holding power to account.
It is propaganda escaping scrutiny.
A Saudi bedouin ⚔️ retweeted
نسمع #صافرات_الإنذار ونحنُ في المساجد ركّعٌ وسجود ، ونسمعها ونحنُ في بيوتِنا نائمين مُطمئنين ، ومع ذلك لا نقلق ولا نخاف ، لأننا نعلم أن الخطر " سيزول في ثوانٍ " بفضل الله تعالى ثم بوجودِ رجالٌ أوفياءٍ مُخلصين هُم " درعُنا الجوي الحصين " ،،،
A Saudi bedouin ⚔️ retweeted
ولا باغيًا على السعودية إلا قصمت ظهره
ولا ساعيًا لزعزعة أمنها إلا أبطلت مسعاه
ولا متآمرًا عليها إلا فضحت أمره وأحبطت مكره
ولا مهددًا لاستقرارها إلا أذهبت قوته وأوهنت عزيمته
ولا طامعًا في أرضها إلا رددته خائبًا حسيرًا
ولا ساعيًا لتفريق صفوفها إلا شتّت شمله
A Saudi bedouin ⚔️ retweeted
ألحوا بالدعاء #لجنودنا_المرابطين
اللهم سدد رميهم وثبّت أقدامهم وأيّدهم بنصرك وأعنهم ولا تعن عليهم اللهم احمِ #المملكة_العربية_السعودية وأهلها ممن أراد بهم شرا يا قوي يا عزيز ...
كثروا من قول حسبنا الله ونعم الوكيل.
A Saudi bedouin ⚔️ retweeted
السعودي .. لما يربيك ..
يربيك .. ويغسلك ويكويك
هذا الكاتب الحاقد على الأمير محمد بن سلمان والسعودية ( استقعد ) له ولدنا فيصل بالردود الى ان افحمه .. لله دره ..
استمتعو بفخرنا ( المواطن ) فيصل وهو ( يسحل ) هذا الكاتب الحقود بلا رحمة ويلجمه حجرا حتى رضخ وهو مايشوف الدرب
استخدمو ترجمة التغريدات .. مشاهدة ممتعة 👇👇
The Economist states that 🇸🇦Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS) is facing an “annus horribilis” as three of his core, long-term strategic gambles fail simultaneously: his military campaign against the Houthis, his economic transformation via Vision 2030, and his reliance on 🇺🇸Donald Trump as a reliable ally.
MBS’s decade-old gamble that he could easily defeat the Houthi movement in 🇾🇪Yemen has severely backfired. The Houthis have launched devastating drone and missile attacks directly into Saudi Arabia, targeting infrastructure including Riyadh’s International Airport, which was effectively shut down following deadly strikes.
A truce brokered in 2022 broke down completely during the summer of 2026, exacerbated by broader regional conflicts involving US and 🇮🇷Iran.
The Houthis have seized additional territory, leaving Riyadh with only poor alternatives: enter a bloody ground war, continue ineffective air strikes, or sign a deal that permanently cements Houthi rule on their border.
The economic crisis amid the Iran war is stalling MBS’s so called “Vision 2030” which was supposed to pivot the Saudi economy away from oil.
While IMF initially projected the Saudi economy to grow by 4% in 2026, it is now expected to contract by 3.3%.
Another MBS idea for “Davos in the Desert” was cancelled after Western executives grew nervous over Houthi threats and governments issued travel warnings.
Annual foreign direct investment (FDI) has plummeted to roughly 1/3 of MBS’s $100 billion target. Megaprojects are being shelved as public finances face immense strain, and local wages are failing to keep pace with soaring inflation.
But probably the most significant of all is the failed bet on Donald Trump. MBS heavily aligned Saudi security and diplomatic strategy with the Trump Administration, investing heavily in US and executing controversial financial deals with the former first family to buy influence.
However, this partnership has failed to yield the ironclad security umbrella Saudi Arabia expected. Instead, US confrontations with Iran have escalated the regional proxy warfare, leaving the Kingdom highly vulnerable and exposed without an adequate American protection.
Is the unraveling of these interconnected MBS bets culminating in a severe geopolitical and financial crisis for Saudi Arabia:
A) Yes;
B) No?
A Saudi bedouin ⚔️ retweeted
بينما ننام في بيوتنا آمنين هناك رجال اصطفاهم الله لحراسة الوطن وحماية سلامته يسهرون لننام بأمان ويبذلون أرواحهم فداءً لدينهم ووطنهم اللهم احفظ جنودنا الأبطال وعيوننا الساهرة وثبّت أقدامهم وسدّد رميهم وأيّدهم بعزّك ونصرك اللهم كن لهم عونًا ونصيرًا واحرسهم بعينك التي لا تنام🇸🇦
A Saudi bedouin ⚔️ retweeted
اللهمّ إنّ على حدود السعودية رجالًا تركوا خلفهم أهلًا وبيوتًا وأحلامًا، ووقفوا حيث لا يقدر كثيرون على الوقوف، اللهمّ كن لهم وطنًا حين يشتاقون إلى الوطن، وأهلًا حين يطول بهم البُعد، وسكينةً حين تشتدّ المخاوف. اللهمّ لا تجعل ليلهم إلا محفوفًا بحفظك، ولا نهارهم إلا مؤيّدًا بنصرك
A Saudi bedouin ⚔️ retweeted
خلني أسبك وأسب قيادتك ودينك، وأنشر الإرجاف، وأشكك في وطنك، وأفتح قنواتي لمهاجمتك، وأتآمر عليك و"عينك تشوف"
وإذا رديت، بسميك "ذباب"
متى أصبحت الإساءة رأي، والدفاع عن الوطن تهمة؟!
A Saudi bedouin ⚔️ retweeted
#السعودية
رد سعودي على مقال الاكومنيست 👇
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Dovydas, your analysis has an interesting problem: the more closely one examines your evidence, the less convincingly it supports your conclusion.
You have taken three genuine challenges confronting Saudi Arabia and transformed them into three supposedly completed failures.
But there is a considerable difference between identifying vulnerabilities and demonstrating that an entire national strategy has collapsed.
Let’s begin with your economics.
You describe Vision 2030 as “so-called” and present foreign investment as evidence of failure.
Yet Saudi Arabia attracted SAR 159.1 billion in gross foreign direct investment in 2025, an increase of 33% from 2024 and approximately 14% above its target for that year.
You compare today’s performance with an ambitious target set for 2030, then write as though the deadline has already passed. An unusual treatment of time for someone presenting an economic analysis.
The IMF does indeed forecast a painful 3.3% contraction in 2026. You mention that.
Curiously, you omit its forecast of a 7.9% recovery in 2027.
Nor do you mention that S&P maintained Saudi Arabia’s A+ sovereign rating with a stable outlook in September, explicitly acknowledging the Kingdom’s capacity to withstand regional conflict.
These facts do not erase the crisis. They complicate the obituary you are attempting to write.
Then comes your geopolitical argument.
You portray Saudi Arabia as dangerously dependent on Donald Trump, with little meaningful strategic room to maneuver.
Yet on October 26, Saudi Arabia’s defense minister sat in Tehran alongside senior Pakistani and Turkish officials, pursuing regional de-escalation under a new framework of defense cooperation.
A country supposedly trapped by dependence on Washington was simultaneously expanding its security partnerships and negotiating directly with Tehran.
How does that fit your narrative?
And regarding Yemen, the Houthi threat is unquestionably serious. Civilian deaths, disrupted aviation and economic losses cannot be dismissed.
But why does the ability of an armed movement to inflict damage automatically establish the strategic defeat of the state it attacks?
By that reasoning, every successful terrorist attack would constitute proof that the targeted government’s entire security strategy had failed.
There is a legitimate debate about Saudi military decisions, economic priorities and international partnerships. Indeed, the present crisis makes that debate necessary.
What is intellectually indefensible is treating a temporary shock as conclusive evidence of permanent failure, while overlooking measurable reforms, institutional resilience and strategic adaptation.
Saudi Arabia is navigating a dangerous regional war. Its difficulties are real. Its future is not settled.
Your mistake is not that you recognize the dangers.
It is that you mistake the severity of today’s circumstances for certainty about tomorrow’s outcome.
You have written the final chapter while the country is still changing the plot.
And that, Dovydas, is a rather strange way to claim the authority of geopolitical analysis.
A Saudi bedouin ⚔️ retweeted
Dovydas, your analysis has an interesting problem: the more closely one examines your evidence, the less convincingly it supports your conclusion.
You have taken three genuine challenges confronting Saudi Arabia and transformed them into three supposedly completed failures.
But there is a considerable difference between identifying vulnerabilities and demonstrating that an entire national strategy has collapsed.
Let’s begin with your economics.
You describe Vision 2030 as “so-called” and present foreign investment as evidence of failure.
Yet Saudi Arabia attracted SAR 159.1 billion in gross foreign direct investment in 2025, an increase of 33% from 2024 and approximately 14% above its target for that year.
You compare today’s performance with an ambitious target set for 2030, then write as though the deadline has already passed. An unusual treatment of time for someone presenting an economic analysis.
The IMF does indeed forecast a painful 3.3% contraction in 2026. You mention that.
Curiously, you omit its forecast of a 7.9% recovery in 2027.
Nor do you mention that S&P maintained Saudi Arabia’s A+ sovereign rating with a stable outlook in September, explicitly acknowledging the Kingdom’s capacity to withstand regional conflict.
These facts do not erase the crisis. They complicate the obituary you are attempting to write.
Then comes your geopolitical argument.
You portray Saudi Arabia as dangerously dependent on Donald Trump, with little meaningful strategic room to maneuver.
Yet on October 26, Saudi Arabia’s defense minister sat in Tehran alongside senior Pakistani and Turkish officials, pursuing regional de-escalation under a new framework of defense cooperation.
A country supposedly trapped by dependence on Washington was simultaneously expanding its security partnerships and negotiating directly with Tehran.
How does that fit your narrative?
And regarding Yemen, the Houthi threat is unquestionably serious. Civilian deaths, disrupted aviation and economic losses cannot be dismissed.
But why does the ability of an armed movement to inflict damage automatically establish the strategic defeat of the state it attacks?
By that reasoning, every successful terrorist attack would constitute proof that the targeted government’s entire security strategy had failed.
There is a legitimate debate about Saudi military decisions, economic priorities and international partnerships. Indeed, the present crisis makes that debate necessary.
What is intellectually indefensible is treating a temporary shock as conclusive evidence of permanent failure, while overlooking measurable reforms, institutional resilience and strategic adaptation.
Saudi Arabia is navigating a dangerous regional war. Its difficulties are real. Its future is not settled.
Your mistake is not that you recognize the dangers.
It is that you mistake the severity of today’s circumstances for certainty about tomorrow’s outcome.
You have written the final chapter while the country is still changing the plot.
And that, Dovydas, is a rather strange way to claim the authority of geopolitical analysis.
