Realist Contrarian. Pessimism of the Intellect, Optimism of the Will. Bylines: News18, Firstpost, Space News, Wire, Swarajya, New Indian, Eurasia Review

Joined February 2017
This redundancy is what leads to @Peter_Turchin's Elite Overproduction'. Too many people with vaunted higher education and superfluous diplomas that the market doesn't value, leading to bitter turf wars and zero-sum competition to grab limited spots available in high echelons.
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Dirigisme gone awry. The social contract on the verge of breakdown. Planner's peril and the curse of over-interventionism and stifling regulations. Debt is offering the only lifeline that keeps the semblance of stability via generous public sector spending. No one knows till when the party can go on.
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I want to know who his advisors are. It's getting funny. Are they so deft that they don't really get the Catch-22 futility of this feminism pro max rhetoric? Is it self-goal, stupidity, sleeper cell infiltration, or seppuku mode.🤣 Women outreach is a core plank of the BJP-RSS socio-political strategy – be it direct cash transfers, support to rural self-help groups, subsidies for maternity health, sundry welfare schemes, or 33% reservations in state assemblies and parliament. Over 80% beneficiaries of Stand Up India, and 65% of PM Mudra are women. 55% of the 60 crore Jan Dhan accounts are also held by women. JAM Trinity is empowering women at the grassroots. BJP has more women representation than the Congress in % terms at all levels. The RSS being all-male is a flimsy non-sequitur. There's a parallel women's wing too. After the gross failure of class war, caste war, and culture war rhetoric, Congress has latched on to gender war, which will fail even more miserably. This poverty of imagination, perspective, and utter disconnect from the ground is astounding. Voters on the ground won't be swayed by Shiva-Shakti signalling by a party which opposed the abolition of Triple Talaq, flogs the dead horse of Manusmriti to shame average folks, invents the bogey of faux guilt-tripping, and panders as custodians of particular community electrorate. They may well claim to believe in Yin-Yang, Frankie-Johnnie, or Bonnie-Clyde. May still help fetch few urban vibe-shift Gen-Z votes in Tier-1 cities.
The RSS is an al male anti-constitutional cult that believes women are the property of men. I believe in Shiva-Shakti. That's why it gives me such joy to fight them. What's beautiful is that many of their “own” women are on my side.
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Aditya Chaturvedi retweeted
Replying to @OmerGhazi2
The holy godmother of ironies is these very folks are the first one who often shout from pulpits at conclaves that it's thoughts, ideas, and viewpoints that matter most, and not who pronounce them. All arguments should stand the scrutiny of logic and fact-check is their guiding spirit – until unpalatable crops up. This sort of reasoning is the inverse and corollary of argumentum ad verecendium/ appeal to authority, which is a logical fallacy. Just like an argument cannot be considered true because someone influential or powerful said it, it cannot be deemed false because someone who's an anon or writes with a pseudonym says it.
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Aditya Chaturvedi retweeted
What he means is that my brothers are finding it hard to hunt him down. Why exactly do you need to know his real identity? Ibn Khaldun Bharati writes on one of the most sensitive fault lines in Indian public life. Revealing his identity could mean professional consequences, social ostracisation, threats, harassment, or worse. A pseudonym is not automatically an escape from accountability. His arguments are right there in public. Read them. Challenge them. Tear them apart line by line if they are wrong. But why must the man behind them be exposed? What does his Aadhaar name add to the intellectual argument? Nothing. What it does add is a target. Once his identity is known, people can find his employer, family, neighbourhood, community and personal history. Suddenly the debate is no longer about what he wrote. It becomes about who he is and what pressure can be brought upon him. That is precisely why pseudonyms have existed in political writing for centuries. Demand accountability for ideas, yes. Demanding that a pseudonymous writer reveal himself despite foreseeable personal risk starts looking less like accountability and more like an invitation to doxxing. If his argument is bad, defeat the argument. Why do you need the address of the man making it?
I’ve long wondered about this practice: how is it ok, in today’s age, to have a ‘pseudonym’ columnist? I’d understand for whistleblower; personal story of risk. But for a regular “analysis”column that can fire away anything on India’s most divisive issue without accountability?
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Nobody has branded Sharjil Imam anything. He's an avowed political Islamist – in his own words. From the poetic nostalgia for Al Andalus lost glory of Iqbal, to the denial of all isms as false consciousness just like Ali Shariati, the author of 'Marxism and Other Western Fallacies', and the grandfather of Iranian Islamic Revolution All of his intellectual influences have been proponents of political Pan-Islamism. If anyone still believes otherwise after reading the long-winding @TheQuint interview, then the person is either willfully deluded, a useful idiot, or a convenient devil's advocate. No critical theory, derridean deconstruction, subaltern school dynamics, or historical contextualism can omit or obfuscate what he himself has expressed: Iqbal and Jinnah told you so preciently. To brand him as a modern muslim intellectual, or hide behind jargons to camouflage the idea of Islamic secessionism and hegemony he represents, is a charade.
An article has been circulating in the print media, written by an IPS officer who goes by the name of Ibn-e-Khaldun Bharti, questioning Sharjeel Imam’s politics by branding him anti-secular, Islamist, reductionist, conservative, and everything else that can be deployed to delegitimise a political subject without seriously engaging with his ideas. One cannot help but wonder why the author chooses to conceal his identity behind a pseudonym. To understand Sharjeel Imam, one must engage with critical theory, political philosophy, metaphysics, and the historical conditions that shape political thought. One cannot reduce his politics to the familiar binaries of secularism and communalism, or expect complex questions of Muslim political identity, representation, and resistance to yield to such convenient categories. It is particularly disappointing that many academics who understand these complexities choose to remain silent, even as public discourse increasingly turns into an exercise in labelling, vilification, and intellectual simplification. Sharjeel Imam’s critique of the Constitution, or his questioning of the political order it sustains, does not automatically amount to a rejection of constitutionalism. The Constitution itself provides for its amendment, while democratic politics must retain the space to question existing institutions, arrangements, and constitutional assumptions. A constitutional democracy that cannot accommodate fundamental criticism of its own framework risks reducing dissent to a privilege granted at the convenience of those in power. His invocation of Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Muhammad Iqbal must also be understood within the larger history of Muslim political thought in the subcontinent. They are part of our pre-Partition intellectual and political history, however uncomfortable that history may be. We cannot simply erase them from our historical consciousness because their ideas, political choices, or legacies are contested. To invoke Jinnah is not necessarily to endorse Jinnah, just as engaging with a political thinker does not amount to an uncritical acceptance of everything they believed or represented. History cannot be understood through selective remembrance, nor can political thought be evaluated through guilt by association. The task is to interrogate, contextualise, and critically engage with these legacies, not to banish them from legitimate discourse. The easiest thing for political polemicists to do is to call Sharjeel Imam an Islamist, reduce his arguments to a convenient ideological label, and present that label as sufficient justification for his political and social exclusion. In a climate where such labels can have consequences far beyond intellectual debate, this is a particularly dangerous exercise. Defending Sharjeel Imam does not require agreeing with every argument he has made. It requires defending the right to engage with his ideas seriously, to examine them critically, and to resist the impulse to replace argument with accusation. The question is whether we are willing to confront the complexity of Muslim political thought in India, or whether we would rather consign it to a set of labels that make it easier to condemn than to understand. #SharjeelImam
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Shooting the messenger and doxxing have become very old traits of the online mobs, pack journos, easily triggered ones, and the coteries in highly charged atmospheres. Now comes the de-legitimization of pseudonyms/ aliases for the likes of @IbnKhaldunIndic, who don't shy away from calling a spade a spade, and assails the the Triple D: doublespeak, duplicity, deceit of the liberal chatterati who considers itself the vanguard of progressivism and 'the sole spokesperson' – to the borrow the title of a Jinnah biography – as well as the praetorian guards of Islamism. When gaslighting, the invisible smog of PC culture, chilling effect of speech enforced by irregular infantry of lone-wolfs, and nauseating bigotry of low expectations don't work, the tactics change. Those who errect smokescreens and white-wash Islamism either by semantic word play, false analogies, or guilt-tripping. If Ibn Khaldun comes out in the open, a target would be painted on his back. Any riled up lone-wolf jihadist will attack him. If he survives, he will face social ostracism and everyday slurs and jibes by the chatterati libs that he's a collaborator, enabler and a kapo. It's too much for irresponsible Orwellian Liberals and those preaching from ivory towers to introspect and take accountability when the embers of Islamism are concerned, but they cannot fool everyone all of the time. The citizens ought to be cautious, watchful, vigilant, and fiercely protective of their privacy and identity. Irony couldn't be more starker. This person, the NYT Bureau Chief of South Asia, was born and raised in Kabul, Afghanistan. His home country knows best what Islamism can do when it consolidates power, and how those who defy it are slaughtered in public squares. That's a topic that would certainly requires no elaboration or debate by anyone. Yet he so innocently questions the purpose and viability of a pen-name. He should know best the macabre toralitarianism of Islamist mobs, the savage violence, and the instant weaponization of 'hurt religious sentiments' that has claimed lives globally. Salman Rushdie was a literary celebrity, yet he was forced to live in hiding due to the mobilization of the Deeni brigade baying for his blood. His publishers, from Copenhagen to Tokyo, were not famous, yet nothing saved their lives. Talk is cheap. And actions speak louder than words. PS: Kabul is where Jamal-ud-din Afghani, one of the intellectual inspirations of Sasta Gramsci Sharjeel Imam, is also buried.
I’ve long wondered about this practice: how is it ok, in today’s age, to have a ‘pseudonym’ columnist? I’d understand for whistleblower; personal story of risk. But for a regular “analysis”column that can fire away anything on India’s most divisive issue without accountability?
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Leverage is turbo-charging the AI juggernaut to incredible levels. The problem would arise when newer avenues for profits emerge slower than originally anticipated, and law of diminishing returns kicks-in. That's when fluctuations would happen, and lot more hedging from AI to HALO( Heavy Asset, Low Obsolescence) sectors would take place.
Replying to @EricFine123
AI isn't only about capex and productivity anymore. AI debt issuance globally in 2026 transcends sovereign issuance. The IMF counted 14 circular-financing deals since 2023: about $300bn of equity and $650bn of debt against roughly $1.4tn of revenue commitments.
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Aditya Chaturvedi retweeted
FT: In Brazil, "almost 2mn people, mostly men, now work full-time for transport or delivery apps — around 2 per cent of the workforce — with driver numbers climbing 37 per cent in three years, according to government research. The most common reason people work for the apps is that they could not find another job." The FT notes that in Brazil, the transport and delivery app economy has become a kind of unemployment insurance scheme, although one with declining "benefits". The same is true in China. It is hard to get good data, but the best estimates are that 12% of China's working population works in the gig economy, of which 7% work in the transport and delivery app economy – i.e. three to four times the share in Brazil. ft.com/content/3868b320-2c24…
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Aditya Chaturvedi retweeted
Absolutely stunning essay by @DouglasKMurray about the crisis in France. It includes this quote. thefp.com/p/douglas-murray-f…
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Sovereignty in the tech sector is a loaded term. In trade and finance, it covers the entire spectrum between calibrated industrial policy and targeted incentives led capacity building on one hand, and import substitution, insularity, and protectionism on the other. The term has connotations, beyond national security imperatives, that are prone to be misconstrued. The biggest buyer of EO and satellite imagery is the defence & intel sector. In the VUCA era of geopolitics, marked by the breakdown of globalism as we knew it, and the return of great power politics, sovereignty has become a recurring theme and a strategic call-to-action. In reality, what's deemed as sovereignty in the realm of tech, is often about seamless sourcing, controlling the supply chain, security, tiding over the shifting world disorder, exporting the surplus at ease, and the ability to nip in the bud any unforeseen shocks. The 5S that serve as prelude to tech sovereignty are: Sourcing, Seamless Connectivity, Security, Supply Chain integration, Surplus, and Shocks.
This essay has been months in the making and leverages everything I have learned about Earth observation over nine years of consulting in the sector across EO companies, enterprises using EO and investors. It is the longest piece I've written and likely the most controversial.
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The europoor meme can be funny, but it's also midwit and wrong. As someone with both EU and US passports who's lived in both sets of elite poles (SF/NYC and BCN/BER/PAR), let me just give you the TLDR: -The percent of GDP spent on welfare in the US is the about the same as the EU (smidge under). -The effective tax rate in the coastal US is about the same as the EU (smidge under). -Both are (former) middle-class societies where much of society feels the social contract is broken. In the US, elites abandoned the middle-class decades ago, and the well-to-do in states like CA/NY have reconciled themselves to paying almost half their paychecks and getting nothing in return, planning to insulate themselves from the suck by paying for private everything: neighborhoods, schools, medical care. If their earnings keep on rising, they're OK with it. In France, that bourgeoisie hasn't been decimated yet, and they still expect (delusionally perhaps) basic social infra like schools to function (which is what these protests were initially about). The infra in Europe is a lot better than in the US, despite the GDP delta (New Yorkers can only dream of a subway like Madrid's). But that's clearly eroding in time, without the wage growth (or private social infra) to allow for a paid workaround. -The free healthcare blah blah meme is fake: the public health systems in Europe have collapsed to the point it's mostly a public/private hybrid, for anyone with a solid paycheck, and fuck you if you're poor, go to the public system (which is the ER in the US). Guess what? In Europe you've got deductibles, in/out of network and all the same shit as in the US (though yes, the cost is still lower, though more or less correlated with wages). -Boomers on both sides of the Atlantic are living in a dated lala land, but they vote to keep the system in place. In Europe it's legislation and printing money to prop up pensions; in the US, it's legislation and printing money to prop up housing prices and the stock market, which is the American 'free market' version of pensions. Rampant inflation and cost-of-living problems in both, with youth locked out of housing and living in precarity. -Both are struggling with having been historically middle-class societies US better positioned only because it has more economic growth (hello 80 hour weeks), and (obviously) leadership in critical fields like AI. But the foundational problems of an out-of-touch elite, incoherent immigration policy, and general social malaise that sees no meaning or purpose at the End of History is absolutely the same in both polities. Americans who mock what's happening in Europe simultaneously believe some X mirage about what Europe is (and have never lived there), as well as don't understand what's going on in their own country. The French Revolution happened a few years after the American one, and once again, the two countries are echoes of each other, as similar countries tend to be. France is probably the most 'American' country in Europe, in all the republican senses of the word (and no the Yookay isn't in Europe).
Dude, the same shit happened in the US a few years ago. Europe is just downstream of the US here. And the aggrieved master's degree people attending communist dinners you're talking about are found in even more abundance in Bushwick than in Oberkampf.
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The intersection of Elite Overproduction, Insta & TikTok Trivial Culture simulation & simulacra, and the Liquid Post Modernity. Add to it alienation, anomie, and social fragmentation. If the 68' La Chinoise gen were the 'children of Marx and Coca-Cola', this post-ideology and end of history gen signifies a deep crisis of meaning and legitimacy.
What’s happening in Paris and Milan is no surprise to anyone who has spent time around young people in Europe during the 2010s: Virtually all of them were working on their 4th masters degree in social welfare, were unmarried, attended communist dinners every night, and regularly participated in riots. Now the economy is suddenly transforming and they have nothing to show for it.
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India's biggest IPO, Jio Platforms, worth 30,000 cr. INR, is a fresh issue entirely for debt repayment, not capital infusion for R&D, restructuring, or business expansion. A vast subscriber base and competitive pricing alone won't lead to future gains, unless there's a tech breakthrough and value-addition. Jio is a leading telecom duopoly with footprints across digital transformation, OTT, AI apps, and strategic partnerships with Google and Meta. Its parent firm, Reliance, has the highest market cap in Nifty 50.
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Aditya Chaturvedi retweeted
Global economic activity has navigated higher costs impressively well via a combination of income growth, savings and inventory drawdowns, debt, efficiency gains, slower margin growth, and selective price pass-through. But the longer the inflation hit persists, the greater the risk to growth—as this @FT article on airlines discusses. #growth #inflation #markets
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Aditya Chaturvedi retweeted
1. Never stop exercising or learning. 2.Accept compromise to begin relationships. 3. Manifest the power of compounding. 4. Never gamble. 5. Have kids and be a good parent 6. If it flies or floats, rent it. 7. Buy half the house you can afford. 8. Art in the eye of the beholder is cheap. 9. Be thankful for and to all. 10. Be charitable.
Life advice for a 26 year old? @michaeljburry
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Micro and Macro often have a direct correlation, whether it’s supply glut or demand deflation, or a new technological breakthrough that unleashes the power of Moore’s Law and the animal spirits of creative destruction. Chokepoints, tariff wars, sanctions, and embargoes are a new addition that impact macro shocks because the inter-connectivity of globalization creates a vast spillover effect. The worst-case scenario is a Black Swan event like a sweeping financial crisis or pandemic. The micro-based reformulation of Woodford and Hall is goes against the grain of mainstream macro thinking. The premise of stability reminds of Hyman Minsky’s Financial Instability Hypothesis: surplus leverage in the system leading to inevitable crisis, which then prompts bail-outs, and stimulus packages.
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