
Middle East Correspondent @Guardian Tips: [email protected]
Joined February 2019
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Will Christou retweeted
Masked Israeli settlers attacked Palestinian villagers on Friday, setting olive groves on fire and slinging rocks.
Caught in the attack was Post photographer Heidi Levine. “They just kept kicking me and kicking me, like probably 50 times,” Levine said. wapo.st/4yt6dHY
Will Christou retweeted
An Egyptian journalist has been charged with joining a terrorist group, days after an entire newsroom was detained in a crackdown on press freedoms in dictatorial Egypt. trib.al/yOWrOEA
Will Christou retweeted
Third question on AI.
A question that also remains unasked is whether the AI boom can continue without leading to a massive increase in inequality.
A recent paper by Stijn Van Nieuwerburgh runs the numbers on how much revenue the AI industry needs to generate to recover its massive investment (summary and a link to the paper can be found here: brookings.edu/articles/finan…).
Van Nieuwerburgh’s arithmetic should make us more concerned. AI investments will average about 3.6% of GDP annually between 2025 and 2032. Van Nieuwerburgh calculates that, using a 10% rate of return, the industry would need to generate annual revenues of about $3.7 trillion by 2032 to recover these costs (growing from its current levels of about $200 billion or so). That is significantly more than 10% of current US national income, and will likely remain around 10% of national income by 2032, even if GDP growth rose from its current level.
A large fraction of this revenue will go to capital income. That means a massive increase in the share of capital in national income, which has already risen substantially over the last 25 years or so – now standing at an all-time high of about 47% (bls.gov/news.release/pdf/pro…).
Capital income is much more unequally distributed than labor income, so a massive increase in the capital share of national income will translate into a very sizable surge in inequality.
The rise in inequality may not stop with the capital share. My work with Pascual Restrepo documents that (automation-driven) increases in the capital share of national income are typically associated with rising labor income inequality as well (see, for example, economics.mit.edu/sites/defa…). The same may happen in the next several years, boosting inequality further.
What is missing from our current debate is any discussion of a fundamental dilemma these numbers pose: can the AI boom avoid both an economically costly crash and a huge increase in inequality?
If the industry reaches these revenues, inequality surges. If the industry does not become profitable, a crash, with substantial costs in terms of lost output and jobs, becomes likely.
My assessment would be that the industry is unlikely to reach levels of revenue Van Nieuwerburgh calculates. First, diffusion has been and will likely continue to be slow. Second, competition from open-weight models, which are getting better, will limit how much proprietary models can charge. Third, despite important advances, I still believe that AI models will not be able to automate entire occupations anytime soon, thus limiting their value to businesses as cost-saving devices.
Whether this leads to a crash or not is more complicated and will depend on whether various AI companies are bailed out and what kind of support they receive.
Nevertheless, even if revenues fall short of these gargantuan amounts and we avoid a dramatic surge in inequality, I expect that the diffusion of AI will push up inequality between capital and labor and within labor.
If inequality does surge, a further question becomes central: can our democracy survive such astronomical levels of inequality?
Will Christou retweeted
عاجل | رويترز عن مصادر حكومية يمنية: الحوثيون وصلوا إلى مدينة ذو باب الساحلية على مضيق باب المندب
Will Christou retweeted
EXCL: Ed Miliband will announce a broad reset of UK relations with Israel on Tuesday, promising the government will take a more active approach in supporting the Palestinian cause.
In an intervention that is expected to draw fierce criticism from the US and Israel, the foreign secretary will impose a UK ban on the trade in goods and some services from illegal Israeli settlements.
Full story from @patrickwintour
theguardian.com/politics/202…
Will Christou retweeted
Glad to get this short analysis of three UAE models of one-way attack (OWA) UAVs found in Iran and Sudan out.
Two of the models have been used by the Rapid Support Forces in Sudan.
One model was likely used in attacks on Iran at least as early as March 20.
Will Christou retweeted
"Iranian military personnel are holed up alongside Hezbollah fighters" in an underground command centre in south Lebanon, officials tell @GebeilyM.
"over a dozen members of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps, including at least two senior officers" reuters.com/world/middle-eas…
Will Christou retweeted
Israel media reports up to 5 Lebanese detained in Israel will be released as a “goodwill gesture” … and as part of ongoing negotiations with #Lebanon govt
Will Christou retweeted
I write in @FT that Iran’s leaders suspected that the MoU was a temporary retreat by the US, intended to relieve pressure on the global economy and prepare for another round of war.
Iran’s current rulers believe that any display of restraint will only invite further American pressure. To deter the US, and to compel it to negotiate in earnest for an end to the war and a broader nuclear deal that would give Tehran the security and economic relief it craves, they believe Iran has to be aggressive and escalate the conflict beyond what the US is prepared to countenance. The one point of leverage Iran is not prepared to part with is its claim to the Strait of Hormuz and its ability to control access to it. Losing dominance in the strait would leave Iran without any leverage in future negotiations. Iran’s leaders have decided that retaining control of the strait is essential to securing future wins at the negotiating table and ensuring that the US implements the deal rather than walking away from it.
ft.com/content/22fdb2d5-b454…
Will Christou retweeted
Centcom: U.S. forces hit approximately 140 Iranian military targets, including missile and drone sites, naval capabilities, ammunition storage facilities, communication networks, and coastal surveillance locations.
Will Christou retweeted
"The literate era will prove to be a brief interlude between the oral and digital ages."
@rosehorowitch has written an essay that will be remembered for years. theatlantic.com/magazine/202…
Will Christou retweeted
What we’re witnessing between the U.S. and Iran is the manifestation of a conflict that was never resolved. At best, it was only weakly contained.
The memorandum of understanding became, in reality, a memorandum without a real understanding. It bought time. It aimed to deconflict, but it never created a credible path to ending the conflict. The core issues remained unresolved, without lasting solutions or a shared vision for what comes next.
What we’re seeing now is simply the reality that both sides, and the mediators, sought to postpone. The deconfliction held for a while, but it lacked the foundations for a durable settlement.
So what happened next was perhaps inevitable.
My take is that Israel and the U.S. saw strategic value in allowing Iran to proceed with the Supreme Leader’s funeral, hoping it would expose as many targets as possible, including the new leadership and senior IRGC commanders. Iran, meanwhile, wanted time to catch its breath and restock. Whether the war escalates again is almost beside the point. The war never truly stopped, but rather slowed down.
Will Christou retweeted
EXCL: The £5m gift to Nigel Farage by a cryptocurrency billionaire was reported to the National Crime Agency by bankers who were concerned it may have been laundered money - another big scoop by our @Annaisaac
theguardian.com/politics/202…
Will Christou retweeted
The US/Israel/Lebanon Framework Agreement betrays war crime victims in Lebanon & acquiesces to the prolonged forced displacement of 10,000s of residents of areas occupied by Israel.
Statement by intl & Lebanese rights groups including @hrw, @amnesty, @ujlebcom & @Legal_Agenda ⬇️
Will Christou retweeted
I was heartbroken in February and again this week.
Nearly every person involved with the stories about the war in Gaza that was a finalist for the Pulitzer Prize last year no longer works at The Post.
They are best of us. 1/
pulitzer.org/node/staff-wash…
❤️
تشرفت كثيرًا بما نشرته صحيفة The Guardian عن التعليق العربي، وبالإشارة إلى اسمي ضمن هذا التقرير الذي يتحدث عن جمال لغتنا وروعة مدرستنا في التعليق الرياضي.
ما أسعدني أكثر من أي إشادة شخصية هو أن يكون المقال قد احتفى بالتعليق العربي كفن له هويته الخاصة، يعتمد على البلاغة و الشعر و الإحساس، و يجعل من كرة القدم قصة تُروى، لا مجرد أحداث تُوصف.
إذا كان صوتي قد أصبح، كما جاء في المقال، جزءًا من ذكريات كأس العالم لدى عدد من الجماهير، فهذا شرف كبير أحمله بكل امتنان، لأن أجمل ما يمكن أن يحققه أي معلق هو أن يترك أثرًا طيبًا في ذاكرة الناس.
هذه الكلمات ليست تكريمًا لشخص واحد، بل لكل المعلقين العرب الذين اجتهدوا على مدى سنوات ليقدموا للمشاهد تجربة مختلفة، تنطلق من ثراء لغتنا العربية وجمالها.
شكرًا لكل من كان سببًا في هذه المحبة، و لكل مستمع منحني ثقته و صنع معي أجمل اللحظات. وما زال القادم أجمل بإذن الله. ❤️🎙️
🔴 أهم ما ورد في المقال :
“You’re history itself!’: how Arab World Cup commentators fuel fans’ passions”
(كيف يشعل معلقو كأس العالم العرب شغف الجماهير؟)
المقال كان إشادة واضحة بأسلوب التعليق العربي، واعتبره فناً قائماً بذاته، وليس مجرد وصف لما يحدث في الملعب.
* خصّ المقال بالذكر عصام الشوالي باعتباره أحد أشهر المعلقين في العالم العربي، ووصفه بأنه من الأصوات التي ترفع المباراة إلى مستوى مختلف من الإثارة والعاطفة.
* أشار إلى أن الشوالي درس فقه اللغة (Philology)، وربط ذلك بثراء مفرداته وأسلوبه البلاغي أثناء التعليق.
* قارن المقال بين التعليق العربي والتعليق الإنجليزي، وقال إن المعلقين العرب لا يكتفون بالسرد، بل يستخدمون الشعر والبلاغة والاستعارات ويعيشون اللحظة مع الجماهير.
* نقل المقال آراء متابعين أكدوا أنهم يفضلون مشاهدة المباريات بالتعليق العربي حتى لو كانوا يتحدثون لغات أخرى، لأنهم يعتبرونه أكثر إحساساً وقرباً من ثقافتهم.
ختم المقال بأن صوت عصام الشوالي بالنسبة لكثير من الجماهير أصبح جزءاً من ذكريات كأس العالم، وأنه يحول الهدف العادي إلى لحظة تبقى في الذاكرة.
theguardian.com/world/2026/j…
Will Christou retweeted
Iraqi security forces deployed in Baghdad's fortified Green Zone early Sunday in a raid targeting "several politicians", a security official told AFP.
The Green Zone houses the US embassy and other diplomatic missions, as well as international institutions and government offices. High-ranking officials and politicians also live there.
No official statement has been released as yet.
Will Christou retweeted
Here is the text of the Israel-Lebanon Framework Agreement signed yesterday in Washington. naharnet.com/stories/en/3209…
There are several takeaways from the agreement:
(1) The agreement strains to assert Lebanese sovereignty, but the reality is that Lebanon's sovereignty is one only in name. The fact that Hassan Fadlallah reacted to the agreement by saying it violated the U.S. agreement reached with Iran—an agreement to which neither Israel nor Lebanon is a party—showed what Lebanon is up against: a Hezbollah whose sole compass remains Iran, which therefore refuses to recognize Lebanon and its government as legitimate, independent entities.
(2) The agreement places the burden of implementation on Lebanon, making Israeli steps conditional on prior Lebanese measures. There is little real reciprocity here, and no commitment that Israel will withdraw from Lebanon if the conditions it has imposed are not met. The most that the Israelis say is that "pursuant to the above [conditions], the Government of Israel declares that it has no territorial ambitions in Lebanon." This is a vague phrase offering no commitments on returning occupied territory.
(3) The most troublesome passage is this one: "The Government of Lebanon will rebuild the State's monopoly on the use of force, achieve the complete and verified disarmament of all non-state armed groups, and ensure that such groups will have no military or security role and no armed capabilities anywhere in Lebanon. The Government of Lebanon herewith requests the support of international and particularly Arab partners, under the leadership of the United States, to achieve this outcome."
This suggests that, in the absence of a consensual disarmament of Hezbollah, the agreement compels the Lebanese state to enter into a confrontation, perhaps a military confrontation, with Hezbollah. There are no guarantees it may prevail in such a case, and it's no surprise that Israeli commentators have described the agreement as one that may provoke a civil war in Lebanon, which the Israelis would very likely welcome, frankly. But since neither the army nor Hezbollah wants to enter a civil war, therefore will hesitate to enter into armed conflict with each other, Israel has an excuse to stay in Lebanon indefinitely.
(3) On the so-called "pilot zones," the parties agreed to two such zones, and while news reports have suggested that one of these is located south of the Litani, nothing in the agreement specifies where these zones are located. The agreement also speaks of a Security Annex, in which the components of the process of disarmament, the restoration of state sovereignty, and Israel's withdrawals "will be" detailed. The wording suggests it is still a work in progress. That is not particularly reassuring.
(4) The agreement reiterates that either side can continue to exercise "their inherent right to defend themselves, as recognized in the Charter of the United Nations and consistent with applicable international law." This means that the Israelis will continue to engage in military action in Lebanon, much as they did after the November 2024 agreement, and claim that it is in "self-defense." However, the accord also reaffirms that no third party may exercise that right of self-defense on the parties' behalf, which effectively delegitimizes Hezbollah's latitude to defend itself in the event of Israeli actions.
(5) The agreement fails to mention specifically a number of prior Lebanese demands, namely the release of Lebanese held in Israeli prisons and the process of border demarcation—a key component of Israeli recognition of Lebanon's international borders.
(6) The agreement also betrays heavy reliance on the United States, especially in this passage: "The Government of Lebanon welcomes the readiness of the United States to support such efforts, recognizing that any new U.S. assistance will be strictly conditioned on verifiable milestones, full transparency, demonstrated results, and ongoing oversight. This effort will enable the safe and orderly re-establishment of Lebanese sovereignty, also contributing to the broader stability and security of the entire Middle East." Too much reliance on the Americans is never a good idea. What this outlines, furthermore, is that Lebanon will have to constantly satisfy the United States with "verifiable milestones," which shows just how limited is Lebanon's sovereignty in reality.
Overall, this is quite a bad agreement for Lebanon, but also one that is a logical consequence of the fact that the state has no cards to play. This has led some enthusiasts to say that Hezbollah is that card. I beg to differ. Hezbollah is the primary cause of the state's weakness, and let's get over the illusion the party has mounted decisive "resistance" to the Israelis, who have leveled most Shiite villages south of the Litani, and are now destroying villages north of it. With more resistance like this, not much will be left of Lebanon.
I have much more to say about the agreement, but for now these are my preliminary thoughts.

























