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Dies ist mein Tweet Nr. 63.000
ich werde mich im kommenden Jahr mal etwas mehr zurückhalten, wie im Frazenbuch, vielleicht eher nur noch die positive Seiten und Vorteile thematisieren.
Tim Beil retweeted
WHO DESTROYED FRANCE? 🇫🇷
Yes. EVERYONE did.
1. Emmanuel Macron, a man who thinks he's Jupiter but governs like a McKinsey intern who accidentally became emperor. He promised a French Renaissance and delivered a complete disaster. His solution to every catastrophe is another speech about the future of Europe.
2. The ENA Elite, Sciences Po, and the Grandes Écoles, the world's most sophisticated factories for producing highly educated incompetence. They can explain the collapse of French industry in seventeen PowerPoint presentations without ever having entered a factory. They invented a system where the same people run the state, destroy it, and then get promoted to investigate what went wrong.
3. François Hollande, the socialist who declared war on finance and then appointed Emmanuel Macron economy minister. His presidency was so spectacularly mediocre that even his own party eventually pretended not to know him. He managed to make political paralysis look like an exhausting full-time occupation.
4. Jacques Chirac, who promised reform, encountered a demonstration, and immediately discovered the virtues of doing absolutely nothing. He spent twelve years as president shaking hands with farmers while the national debt continued its agricultural expansion. His greatest political achievement was making immobility look presidential.
5. François Mitterrand, who tried socialism in 1981, and discovered economic reality in 1983. He nationalized companies, reversed course, and built a pyramid at the Louvre. Appropriate architecture for a president who occasionally treated the French economy like a pharaoh's burial chamber.
6. The Socialist Left, which believes money grows on government decrees. Their economic model consists of taxing the rich, subsidizing the poor, employing the middle class in public administration, and borrowing whatever remains. When the money runs out, they accuse arithmetic of being fascist.
7. The French Trade Unions, which defend public services by making sure nobody can use them. They stop trains to save the railways, close schools to defend education, and block refineries to protect purchasing power. Their greatest contribution to French productivity is ensuring that nobody produces anything without their permission.
8. The French Right, which has spent forty years promising to reduce public expenditure, reform the state, restore authority, and liberate the economy. Then it wins an election, appoints seventeen ministers, creates four administrative agencies, and discovers that cutting public expenditure might upset somebody. French conservatives defend free enterprise in speeches and administrative regulation in practice. They want a smaller state, provided nobody removes their subsidies, pensions, privileges, public contracts, or favorite government department. Their economic program was essentially socialism with better tailoring.
9. The French Boomers, who inherited affordable housing, expanding industries, and economic growth, then converted everything into pensions and real estate. They bought apartments for the price of a used Peugeot and now explain to young people that homeownership requires sacrifice. They spent their youth demanding revolution and their retirement demanding that absolutely nothing change.
10. Pétain and Vichy, who responded to the greatest military humiliation in modern French history by deciding that collaboration with the occupier was an excellent national recovery strategy. France had already lost the war. Pétain somehow found a way to make losing considerably more embarrassing.
11. The French Generals of 1940, who built the Maginot Line and apparently forgot to tell the Germans they were supposed to attack it. They prepared brilliantly for the First World War, only to discover that the enemy had inconveniently arrived in the Second.
12. The Republican Idealists, who believe France isn't a country but a philosophical concept. Other nations build institutions. France proclaims Values. When schools fail, they organize republican ceremonies. When public order collapses, they deliver speeches about citizenship. When reality contradicts their principles, reality is clearly insufficiently republican.
13. Saint-Simon, Fourier, Cabet, and the French Utopian Socialists, who looked at humanity and decided the problem was insufficient central planning. Fourier imagined communities organized around human passions. Saint-Simon dreamed of society directed by enlightened productive elites. Their descendants now occupy French ministries, designing national happiness through administrative circulars. Two centuries later, the happiness is still missing, but the paperwork is magnificent.
14. The French Revolution, which promised Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity, then introduced mass executions, revolutionary tribunals, civil war, and political terror. The revolutionaries liberated France from monarchy, discovered that citizens disagreed about liberty, and began executing one another. France has spent two centuries celebrating this as the birth of political enlightenment. Apparently, mass killing becomes progressive when accompanied by the correct slogans.
15. The Enlightenment, Libertinism, and the Marquis de Sade, who began by liberating humanity from superstition and ended by demonstrating that intellectual sophistication is no guarantee against moral insanity. Voltaire mocked religious authority, Rousseau dreamed of remaking society, and Sade turned transgression into an entire literary industry. Their descendants now believe that every inherited institution is oppressive and every new social experiment is automatically progress.
16. The English, who spent centuries sabotaging French ambitions, financing France's enemies, and preventing French domination of Europe. The Hundred Years' War was essentially a prolonged British property dispute conducted on French territory. Every time France attempted to become a continental superpower, England appeared with a navy, a coalition, and a remarkably enthusiastic willingness to pay somebody else to fight.
17. The Habsburgs, who surrounded France with territories acquired through marriage, inheritance, and a family tree resembling a biological experiment conducted without ethical supervision. They conquered half of Europe through weddings while French kings bankrupted themselves trying to escape the encirclement. The Habsburgs invented geopolitical domination through matrimonial administration.
18. The English, Again, because centuries of warfare were apparently insufficient. After defeating Napoleon, they conquered global commerce, international finance, and eventually the English language conquered French business. Today, French executives speak English to other French executives in Paris. England finally conquered France without deploying a single soldier.
19. The Romans, who conquered Gaul, introduced taxation, centralized administration, and the idea that provincial populations should be governed by distant officials convinced of their intellectual superiority. Two thousand years later, Paris continues to administer France like a Roman governor collecting taxes from barbarians. Rome collapsed. French bureaucracy survived. Live like Rome, die like Rome.
20. Darth Vader, the ultimate French technocrat. He believed every problem could be solved through centralization, intimidation, and an enormous publicly funded megaproject. His Death Star was essentially the French Ministry of Finance equipped with a superlaser. It cost a fortune, concentrated all power in one place, and exploded because nobody listened to the engineers.
21. Saruman and Sauron, the spiritual ancestors of French industrial planning and European centralization. Saruman wanted to replace forests with factories. Sauron wanted to unite the continent under one supreme administrative authority. Both believed that enough central planning could overcome reality. Both were eventually defeated by small provincial creatures who refused to follow instructions.
22. Satan, who has reportedly retired from corrupting France because the competition has become unbearable. He spent centuries encouraging pride, vanity, envy, and destructive political passions, only to discover that French politicians could produce the same results without supernatural assistance. He applied for a position at the Ministry of Finance but was rejected for insufficient administrative experience.
And the French people?
They have spent more than two centuries overthrowing kings, emperors, republics, governments, and presidents, convinced that the next political arrangement would finally solve everything.
They have tried absolute monarchy, constitutional monarchy, revolutionary dictatorship, empire, parliamentary republics, presidential republicanism, socialism, liberalism, conservatism, and technocracy.
Every generation announces that France needs a revolution.
Every revolution promises to put an end to the failures of the previous regime.
And every new regime eventually discovers that it has inherited THE FRENCH.
Tim Beil retweeted
In 2021, the head of the UN World Food Programme said $6 billion from Elon Musk could solve world hunger.
Elon replied: publish the plan, right here, publicly, and I'll sell Tesla stock on the spot.
The plan came out. And when you read it, it wasn't a plan to solve hunger. It was one year of food for 42 million people. A twelve-month subscription. And the year after? Start over.
A few months later, Elon summed up his view: if you care about the reality of goodness rather than the perception of it, philanthropy is extremely difficult.
"Reality of goodness over perception of goodness."
That line stuck with me for weeks. Does philanthropy actually work?
Gates-style philanthropy is first and foremost institutional capture. Foundations funding NGOs, funding governments, funding programs, producing reports, producing photos. Everyone's happy, and the aid machine keeps itself alive. Sixty years and hundreds of billions later, much of Africa is still dependent on aid. Zambian economist Dambisa Moyo laid it out in Dead Aid: aid breeds dependency, feeds corruption, and short-circuits the only mechanism that has ever lifted a country out of poverty.
So what actually works?
It's been tested. In Kenya, Berkeley researchers working with GiveDirectly randomly selected villages and gave every poor household about $1,000 in cash. No program. No training. No conditions. Just cash.
The result: people bought metal roofs, livestock, started small businesses. Barely any inflation. And every dollar injected generated around $2.50 of economic activity locally, including for neighbors who received nothing.
Why? Because you didn't give them charity. You gave them capital. You primed the pump.
And that's where everything hinges: ownership. Hernando de Soto showed that the world's poor hold trillions of dollars in assets, but without recognized property titles, it's dead capital. You can't borrow against it, pass it on, or grow it. Where property rights are respected, the system starts running. Where they aren't, no amount of aid will ever be enough.
Now reread Elon's post.
"Next year, I will give one of my SpaceX shares to every kid in America. This will be the first of many."
That's not a meal. That's not a handout. That's a property title. A piece of the company building the infrastructure of a multiplanetary civilization, owned directly by millions of kids.
A kid who gets a handout depends on the state. A kid who owns a share of SpaceX owns a piece of the future. He learns what an asset is, he has a stake in the economy working, and one day he'll vote as an owner, not as a client of the state.
Gates buys perception. Musk distributes ownership.
The reality of goodness versus its perception. And it's absolutely brilliant.
Tim Beil retweeted
My dear American friends, in my last post I gave you a snapshot of where France stands today. Now let me show you how we got here. I want you to see the whole movie before you buy the ticket.
After the war, France was a machine. We called it the Trente Glorieuses, thirty glorious years. We built Concorde, the most beautiful aircraft ever made. We built a fleet of nuclear reactors in about fifteen years and gave ourselves some of the cleanest, cheapest electricity in the world. We built Ariane and put Europe in space. We built the TGV, the fastest train on earth. We invented the Minitel, an online network in millions of homes before most of you had heard of the internet. We were not a museum. We were builders.
Then came 1981. François Mitterrand. Think of him as our Bernie Sanders, except he actually won. At his side, in the office next to his at the Élysée, sat a 37-year-old prodigy named Jacques Attali, his special adviser for the next ten years. The brightest minds of the left, convinced they could run an economy from a ministry.
Here's what they did. They governed with Communist ministers. In 1982 they nationalized dozens of banks and the biggest industrial groups in the country: Paribas, Suez, Saint-Gobain, Thomson, Pechiney, Rhône-Poulenc. They lowered the retirement age to 60. They cut the work week to 39 hours and added a fifth week of paid vacation. They created a wealth tax. They hired massively into the public sector.
Reality hit in less than two years. Capital fled, inflation ran wild, and the franc was devalued three times. In March 1983 Mitterrand had to slam on the brakes and impose austerity just to stay in the European monetary system.
But here's the trick: the brakes never reversed anything. They just slowed the ratchet. The so-called right came back with Jacques Chirac, and nothing was undone. Under Chirac's presidency, France passed the 35-hour work week. Left or right, every government added one more program, one more rule, one more tax, and nobody ever took one away.
At the same time, the political class did something even more destructive than bad economics. It turned the youth into a political instrument. Instead of teaching young people, including millions of children of immigrants, to love the country they lived in, it taught them a story of guilt and grievance: France as the oppressor, France as the thing to resent. You cannot integrate people into a country you've taught them to despise. We are living with the consequences of that narrative today, in our schools, our suburbs, our streets.
Then forty years of slow decline, all the way to Macron. And the story has a perfect ending. In 2007, Jacques Attali chaired a commission on how to unleash French growth. Its deputy rapporteur was a young civil servant named Emmanuel Macron. The commission proposed more than 300 reforms to free the economy. Almost none were ever implemented. Even the men who built the system knew it wasn't working, and even they couldn't undo it.
No balanced budget since 1974. Public spending around 57% of GDP. Debt above 3,300 billion euros. Growth stuck under 1%.
Now the number that should keep you up at night. In 1995, GDP per person in France was about $27,000. In America, about $29,000. We were neck and neck. Today France is around $49,000. America is around $90,000. You are now nearly twice as rich per person as we are.
What changed? Not our talent. Not our engineers. Not our schools of mathematics. The only thing that changed is that we went all in on socialism. The 35 hours, the endless regulation, the taxes that chase out anyone who builds, the belief that the state should do everything and the individual should ask permission for everything.
There's a line people love to attribute to Einstein: insanity is doing the same thing over and over and expecting different results. We tried. For forty years, we tried. Every government promised that one more program, one more tax, one more regulation would finally fix things. You just saw where it got us.
So if you choose the Democratic Party, which is literally turning socialist in front of your eyes, you will deserve what comes next.
Let me tell you exactly what will happen if you go down that road. Nobody will vote for decline. Every single measure will sound generous, compassionate, reasonable. Your builders will slowly leave or stop building. Your state will grow every year and never shrink. Your debt will compound. And in thirty years, your kids will look at a chart like the one I just described and wonder when it all went wrong.
You still have something we lost. You have Elon Musk sending rockets to orbit and landing them on their tail. You have Palmer Luckey building the defense industry of the future. You have Jeff Bezos, Jensen Huang, and thousands of founders nobody has heard of yet, building in garages right now.
Trust your entrepreneurs. Don't trust your politicians.
I come from your future. Don't make it yours.
I’m French. I want to talk to Americans who are about to vote Democrat. Not to insult you. To warn you.
I come from your future.
In France we did everything your progressive politicians promise. Free healthcare, free college, generous welfare, strong unions, heavy regulation, high taxes on the rich, a state that takes care of everything. Public spending close to 57% of GDP, one of the highest on the planet. On paper, it’s the dream.
Here’s what it looks like from the inside. France hasn’t passed a balanced budget since 1974. Our debt is above 3,300 billion euros. Interest on that debt is becoming one of the biggest items in the national budget. Our hospitals are collapsing despite record funding. Our schools rank lower every year. Young people with degrees can’t afford an apartment in the city they were born in. Our best engineers leave for London, Zurich and San Francisco. And the rich you wanted to tax? They left too, and took the jobs with them.
The promise was protection. The result is stagnation.
The worst part is that nobody in France voted for decline. Every single step sounded generous, compassionate, reasonable. One more program. One more regulation. One more tax to fund it. Each step alone makes sense. Fifty years of them, and you wake up in a country that can no longer build a nuclear plant on time or keep its streets safe.
I love America because it’s the one place on earth where people still believe they can build something from nothing. I came to Silicon Valley as a self-taught kid and it changed my life. That spirit is the most precious thing your country has.
Before you vote, ask yourself one question: is the program you’re voting for making America more like America, or more like France?
Trust me. You don’t want to be France.
Tim Beil retweeted
On se demande où on a « foiré » en France. La réponse est assez simple, le point de bascule c’est 1981.
Pas 2002, pas 2017, pas Macron. 1981.
L’arrivée de Mitterrand. Le moment où la France a décidé, en toute lucidité, de se tirer une balle dans le pied en se convainquant que c’était du progrès social.
Avant 1981, la France était encore un pays qui produisait, qui exportait, qui avait une industrie, des entreprises qui osaient investir et des gens qui croyaient encore vaguement au travail. Après 1981, on a nationalisé à tour de bras, on a augmenté les impôts comme si l’argent des autres était une ressource infinie, on est passé aux 39 heures, on a baissé l’âge de la retraite, et on a expliqué aux Français que la richesse se créait en redistribuant celle des autres.
Résultat ? Capital qui fuit, franc dévalué, inflation, et le fameux « tournant de la rigueur » de 1983 qui n’a jamais vraiment corrigé le cap idéologique de fond.
Depuis, on a perfectionné le modèle : État toujours plus gros, charges toujours plus lourdes, culture du droit acquis plutôt que du mérite, école qui a progressivement abandonné l’exigence au nom de l’égalité des chances, et une immigration de plus en plus déconnectée de toute logique d’intégration réelle.
On a remplacé « travailler et produire » par « revendiquer et bloquer ». Et aujourd’hui, on s’étonne que la France soit devenue le pays des 35 heures, des grèves perpétuelles, de la dette à 110 %, du chômage des jeunes endémique et d’une classe moyenne qui se fait asphyxier.
Le plus beau, c’est la mauvaise foi. Quarante-cinq ans plus tard, on continue de dire que « ce n’est pas la gauche », que « c’est le néolibéralisme », que « c’est l’Europe », que « c’est la mondialisation ».
Non. C’est le moment précis où une majorité de Français a choisi de croire qu’on pouvait vivre durablement au-dessus de ses moyens en faisant payer les autres, et que ça s’appellerait « justice sociale ».
1981 n’a pas tout cassé en un jour. Mais c’est là qu’on a choisi le chemin.
Et depuis, on court de plus en plus vite au bord du précipice en se demandant pourquoi on n’arrive plus.🤔🤭
Tim Beil retweeted
Während Millionen von fleißigen Menschen täglich schuften, sitzen diese geldpolitischen Brandstifter in ihren Elfenbeintürmen und drehen den Geldhahn der planwirtschaftlichen Zerstörung auf. Sie vernichten den Wert unseres hart erarbeiteten Geldes, stehlen uns durch die Hintertür der Inflation unsere Lebenszeit und haben auch noch sichtlich Spaß dabei!
Es ist der ultimative Triumph des Staatsmonopols über die individuelle Freiheit: Durch schiere Willkür treiben uns diese Bürokraten in die kollektive Verarmung, während sie die Früchte unserer Arbeit in ihrer Druckerpresse pulverisieren. Ein System, das auf Zwang und staatlichem Papiergeld basiert, kann nur in der Tyrannei enden.
Tim Beil retweeted
On my way to the office this morning, I passed a group of young people protesting, a Palestinian flag draped over their shoulders.
And I asked myself a question I can't shake: why does this generation always fall into the same trap? No matter the history. No matter the context. Even the ones from wealthy families, who went to the best schools, who were dealt every good card. Always the same trap.
I don't think it's stupidity. I think it's a mechanism. And a mechanism can be taken apart, piece by piece.
A. The observation: everything the state touches becomes unaffordable.
Look at economist Mark Perry's famous chart, the one people call "the chart of the century." It tracks US prices since 2000.
At the top, what explodes: hospital services, college tuition, textbooks, childcare, housing. Increases of +100%, +150%, up to +250%, far above general inflation.
At the bottom, what collapses: TVs, software, phones, toys, clothing. A TV today costs a fraction of what it did in 2000, for an infinitely better product.
Look at what separates the two groups. It isn't technology. It isn't complexity. It's one variable: how much the state is involved.
At the top, sectors that are subsidized, regulated, shielded from competition, where the state funds demand and blocks supply. At the bottom, sectors where companies fight every single morning to serve you better and cheaper.
B. The mechanism: why it's systematic.
When the state subsidizes demand without freeing supply, prices rise. Every time. Guaranteed student loans, and universities raise tuition. Housing aid plus blocked building permits, and rents skyrocket. Administered healthcare, and bureaucracy eats the budget before it ever reaches the patient.
In France it's even more vicious, because the price doesn't disappear: it hides. You never see the hospital bill, you pay it through payroll contributions. You never see the cost of school, you pay it through taxes. Public spending at 57% of GDP, one of the heaviest tax burdens in the world, more than €3.4 trillion in debt. And the result? Overflowing ERs, falling PISA scores, young people who can't afford to live in the city where they work.
The market didn't fail in these sectors. It was never allowed in.
C. Suffering demands a culprit.
A 22-year-old lives all of this in their bones. They can't find a place to live. Their degree either buries them in debt or opens no doors. The future feels blocked. That suffering is real, and I don't deny it for a second.
But human beings can't stand suffering without a culprit. They need a face. A scapegoat.
And this is where everything is decided: who taught them how to read the world?
D. Whoever tells the story picks the villain.
Schools are public. Universities are public. Culture runs on grants. Film goes through funding committees. Public broadcasting shapes the narratives. The people handing down the interpretive framework are, overwhelmingly, paid by the very system that creates the problem.
Do you really think that system is going to name itself as the culprit?
No. It names the capitalist. The boss. The landlord. "The rich." The multinational. The commercial West. Same role, same casting, every time.
E. One lens, a thousand causes.
And this brings me back to that flag. A generation taught to read every situation through a single lens, oppressor on one side, rich, Western, capitalist, oppressed on the other, will apply that lens everywhere. To housing. To climate. To conflicts on the other side of the world. The cause changes, the lens stays. That's why the trap is always the same: it's not the cause that draws them in, it's the way of thinking that was installed in them.
F. The perfect inversion.
Here's the irony. Capitalism is the force that drove down the price of almost everything it touched. The state is the force that blew up the price of almost everything it captured. And young people blame the first for the crimes of the second.
It's like blaming the firefighter for the fire because you saw him at the scene.
G. The ballot box confirms it.
In the US, a few weeks out from the midterms, a large share of urban young voters is getting ready to vote Democrat for more state, more spending, more regulation. New York elected a self-described socialist mayor, carried by young voters, on promises of rent freezes and city-run grocery stores. Rent freezes, the policy that has made housing scarcer everywhere it's been tried. The cure that worsens the disease.
In France, it's the same play in two acts. Part of the youth votes for the radical left, which promises more state. Another part votes for the center, which promises to "manage" the state well, and has dug the debt deeper than ever. Two different ballots, one shared assumption: the problem is the market, the solution is the state.
H. The way out.
These young people aren't stupid. They're right to be angry. They're just aiming at the wrong target.
The day they understand that their rent, their tuition and their hospital are expensive precisely because the state runs them, their anger will change direction. They'll stop protesting against those who create. They'll start protesting against those who capture.
That day, the greatest intellectual scam of our time will be over.
Tim Beil retweeted
Prof. Habermann trifft den Kern: Teilen gehört in den Kreis, den man freiwillig wählt – Familie, Freunde, Vereine. Sobald der Staat dasselbe Prinzip auf eine ganze Gesellschaft ausdehnt, ist es kein Teilen mehr, sondern Enteignung unter Androhung von Zwang.
Private Caritas ist Hilfe, alles andere ist Raub. Wer den Staat zum Kuchenverteiler macht, zerstört den Anreiz zu produzieren, zerschlägt Eigentumsrechte und ersetzt Verantwortung durch Anspruch. Der Sozialstaat ist kein Netz, er ist ein Umverteilungskarusell: Er nimmt dem, der leistet, gibt dem, der Anspruch anmeldet, und nennt die Differenz Solidarität.
Man kann nicht jeden lieben: youtube.com/shorts/oT3VvJgH6…
#SteuernsindRaub #FreiheitstattKnechtschaft #MisesstattMarx #Socialismkills
SpaceX gibt die genauen Kosten nicht bekannt. Schätzungen für diesen frühen Flug (beide Stufen im Ozean, also verbraucht) liegen bei etwa 90–250 Mio. USD.
Der Staat zahlt davon nichts – es ist ein interner Starlink-Einsatz, den SpaceX privat über eigene Mittel und Starlink-Einnahmen trägt.
Tim Beil retweeted
Replying to @knalltueten_ag1
Kein seltenes Phänomen. War bereits vor ein paar Jahren in der Diskussion, als Judith Holofernes ihr Kind nicht auf ihrer Einzugsschule einschulen ließ. Ist hier in Berlin keine Seltenheit. Multikulti nur solange es einen nicht betrifft. Da werden dann alle Register gezogen.
Tim Beil retweeted
Die heutigen demokratischen Sozialisten der verschiedenen Parteien unterscheiden sich nur in den Methoden ihrer Eigentumsfeindlichkeit von früheren Sozialisten.
Sie enteignen nicht auf einen Schlag, es geschieht schleichend.
Durch höhere/neue Steuern, Bürokratie, Inflation usw.
🤖 Made with AI
Tim Beil retweeted
Replying to @knalltueten_ag1
Tim Beil retweeted
Anhänger des Kapitalismus sind damit zufrieden, dass nur diejenigen mitmachen, die das auch wirklich wollen.
Während sich Sozialisten erst dann zufrieden geben, wenn alle durch Zwang ins sozialistische System eingebunden wurden.
Das ist einer der Gründe, warum der Kapitalismus dem Sozialismus moralisch überlegen ist.
Tim Beil retweeted
Replying to @DrLuetke
Die dauerhafte mediale Unterdrückung von Systemkritik schützt ein System nicht vor dem Untergang, sondern nimmt ihm lediglich die Möglichkeit, sich durch Reformen rechtzeitig selbst zu retten.
Tim Beil retweeted
Replying to @knalltueten_ag1
Dir ist schon klar, dass das Diebstahl ist. Alles was als Sperrmüll an der Straße steht, gehört dem Abfuhrunternehmen.
6 Jahre und schon kriminell - fängt ja gut an.
Erkläre das Deinen Kindern, dass sie nichts besitzen werden(noch nicht mal Müll) und glücklich sein werden. 🥴
Tim Beil retweeted
Es ist völlig ok, sich auch als Kritiker der AfD zu wünschen, dass die für Zwangsmedizin, Klimalüge, Zensur, transatlantischem Vasallentum, extremer Steuerverschwendung, Überwachung und massive Kriegstreiberei bekannte Bewegung „Unsere Demokratie“™️ heute ein paar in die Fresse bekommt.
Gewaltfrei natürlich.
Tim Beil retweeted
Ludwig von Mises war es, der 1919 in der Theorie bewies, das kollektivistische Gemeinwesen am Kalkulations- und Informationsproblem zum Scheitern verurteilt sind.
Keine Preisinformationen!
Heutige Kollektivisten haben daher ein intellektuelles Feindbild!
youtube.com/watch?v=YohDHAI1…



























