Celeb Producer and mum of three not so little ones. Shallow yet Cultured.

London
Joined February 2009
tara spring retweeted
NAZA: A Propaganda Film Masquerading as an Investigation of the Gaza War I recently saw NAZA in a theater in a European capital. Here is my review and analysis. Directors Yuval Abraham & Rachel Szor could have made a serious documentary about the war in Gaza, civilian casualties, collateral damage calculations, and IDF military practices. These are all legitimate questions to investigate about how the IDF selected targets, assessed civilian casualties, and conducted its military campaign. Instead, Abraham made a propaganda film with one very clear message: The IDF are literally modern-day Nazis, deliberately carrying out the destruction of the Gazan people. This is made unmistakably clear in a sequence late in the film. Abraham shows the two-minute siren observed in Israel on Holocaust Remembrance Day, followed by an image of director Claude Lanzmann, whose 1985 documentary Shoah consisted of interviews with witnesses to the Holocaust (which my parents made me watch in a New York City theater when I was 15, and which I remember well). The comparison Abraham is drawing is hardly subtle. Just as Lanzmann interviewed witnesses to Nazi atrocities, Abraham presents himself as interviewing their Israeli counterparts. The implication is that the IDF are today's Nazis and Gaza is the modern Holocaust. That framing is precisely why NAZA cannot be taken seriously as an objective investigation of the war. Nor can the testimony of Abraham's anonymous witnesses be accepted uncritically. We hear only brief, selectively edited excerpts from each interview. With no way to assess the witnesses' credibility, the full context of their remarks, or what may have been omitted, the audience is left unable to independently evaluate their testimony. Knowing that Abraham was also behind the deliberately misleading claim that 83% of Gazans killed in the war were civilians only adds to the skepticism with which his presentation of evidence should be viewed. The film is certainly harrowing. The accounts and footage of death and destruction, including descriptions of how Israeli drones killed people from the sky, are deeply disturbing. It is a horrifying reminder of what war looks like, particularly for civilians caught in it, and the film succeeds in unsettling the viewer. But disturbing footage is not itself evidence of genocide, and civilian deaths, however terrible, do not establish that civilians were deliberately targeted or that a military campaign was conducted with genocidal intent. One of the soldiers interviewed says he believes the war was genocide. But his explanation in the very next sentence reveals he does not understand the term. He specifically acknowledges that civilian deaths were classified as collateral damage, but argues that because the military knew civilians would die, those deaths were intentional killings and therefore constituted genocide. This if of course plainly wrong. The most glaring problem with NAZA is what Abraham deliberately leaves out: the actual war being fought in Gaza. As usual for this type of narrative, Hamas is 100% erased from the battlefield. Someone emerging from a three-year coma and watching this film would come away believing that the IDF was deployed to Gaza for one purpose alone: to kill Palestinian civilians. They would hardly even know that Hamas had an organized military force, let alone that Israel was fighting a war against it. There is an early, passing reference to 10/7 and the hostages, but virtually nothing thereafter about the organization Israel was fighting, its military infrastructure, its tactics, or its deliberate integration of military operations into civilian areas. Nothing about Israel's efforts to recover the hostages, ceasefire negotiations, Hamas' refusal to surrender, or the killing of hostages in captivity. I waited throughout the film for someone to mention the word "tunnel." It never came. Nothing about Hamas' role in prolonging the war. In the world Abraham presents where the IDF are Nazis, HAMAS DOES NOT EXIST. How is it possible to make a documentary about Israeli targeting decisions in Gaza without discussing Hamas' vast underground tunnel network? If the central accusation is that Israel attacked Hamas operatives in their homes, shouldn't the filmmaker at least examine where else Israel could have attacked them? What were the military alternatives? Were those operatives accessible in tunnels? Would attacking the tunnels beneath residential neighborhoods have caused even greater civilian casualties? Why did Hamas commanders have tunnel shafts from their homes and other civilian structures rather than clearly identifiable military installations? Abraham shows no interest in asking any of these questions. Ironically, the testimony of the Israeli intelligence personnel undermines much of the film's own framing. There is extensive discussion of how intelligence resources were devoted to identifying Hamas targets and calculating anticipated collateral damage. The interviewees describe procedures for estimating how many civilians might be killed in an attack. Whatever one thinks of the resulting decisions, these accounts concern the targeting of Hamas operatives, not a policy of deliberately targeting children or civilians. There is no testimony establishing that civilians in those homes were the intended targets, or that the IDF waited for additional civilians to arrive in order to kill them. The discussion is about attacking Hamas personnel while anticipating that civilians might also be killed. That raises serious questions about proportionality, intelligence reliability, and the military advantage expected from particular strikes. But Abraham bypasses all those questions in favor of his predetermined conclusion. The intelligence officers also acknowledge another crucial limitation: They were not responsible for the actual decisions to authorize or conduct the strikes. Their role was to provide intelligence about targets and anticipated casualties. They were not privy to the final operational assessments, the expected military advantage, or the circumstances under which an attack was ultimately carried out. This leads to perhaps the film's most consequential evidentiary failure. At different points, NAZA refers to extraordinary ratios of civilian casualties to a single targeted combatant, including 100-to-1, 300-to-1, 500-to-1. Yet the film does not substantiate them with a single documented strike in which hundreds of civilians were actually killed to eliminate one Hamas operative. There is not a single analysis of an actual strike in the entire film. The same selective approach appears in the interviews with soldiers discussing the killing of Gazans in restricted military zones or near aid distribution areas. Abraham presents snippets of testimony without pursuing obvious follow-up questions such as: were Hamas fighters ever operating among people seeking aid? (dozens have been identified by Hamas and PIJ's recent martyr notices, so we know this is true). These are precisely the questions that a true investigative journalist should ask before drawing conclusions about what the testimony establishes. Likewise, the film devotes considerable attention to the destruction of residential buildings, but seemingly none to Hamas' use of booby traps and explosives in homes, or tunnel shafts. Were any of the buildings destroyed because they were booby-trapped? Did the interviewed soldiers know colleagues killed by explosives planted inside residential structures? How often were houses used as military positions, tunnel entrances, or weapons-storage facilities? Again, silence, Hamas does not exist. At no point does Abraham seriously grapple with the fact that hundreds of Israeli soldiers were killed fighting in Gaza. What were those soldiers fighting, and against whom? Was there an actual battlefield, with armed Hamas units, ambushes, tunnels, explosives, and sustained combat? Of course there was. Again, the movie is intended to portray the war as the IDF vs civilians, period. The result is a film that asks viewers to judge Israel's conduct in a war while withholding almost everything about the enemy it was fighting. NAZA had the opportunity to investigate the Gaza war and IDF actions. Instead, Abraham chose to make a film equating Israeli soldiers with Nazis, leaving his audience emotionally overwhelmed but remarkably uninformed about the war itself.
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tara spring retweeted
Enforce it with weapons.
🚨 NEW: The Government has announced headphone dodgers on trains will face fines of up to £1,000 as a nationwide campaign launches today
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tara spring retweeted
Youth in Turin take a stand for education rights and cost of living by looting and destroying bookstore.
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tara spring retweeted
עוד עדות של בעלת עסק שאיבדה את כל עולמה. פה מדובר באלין לי (במקור הואנג) בת 50. דור שני או שלישי למהגרים מסין. היא דוברת צרפתית מושלמת עם מבטא פריזאי מושלם. את המסעדה הקטנה הזו ברובע העשירי קנתה לפני 7 שנים מיהודי זקן ממוצא אלג׳יראי (בשם ר. חנונה). אלין מספרת שלקראת השעה 14:30 כשהם ראו שהרחוב הופך מסוכן הם הורידו את כל שבכות הברזל ונשארו בפנים. תוך זמן קצר הם שמעו חבטות עזות והשבכות הורמו מכל הכיוונים. הפורעים (שהיו 6 או 7) חבטו בחלונות עד ששברו אותם והיכו אותה עד אבדן הכרה (שימו לב לפנס בעין ימין שלה). היא טוענת שמה שהפתיע אותה זה שהראשון שנכנס לתוך המסעדה היה ילד בן 12 ואחריו חבורת בנות צעירות עם שקי קניות. הם שדדו כל מה שאפשר היה לשדוד, שברו את הכל והציתו.
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Tragic vandalism
Wow. There it goes. The tower roof of the 143-year-old Limoges Town Hall collapses.
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tara spring retweeted
Thinking of Sally Rooney, and the Herbert Park Hotel in Dublin, and this from Ulysses: "Ireland, they say, has the honour of being the only country which never persecuted the jews. Do you know why? Because she never let them in."
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It is unbelievably sad that in Ireland an International conference on Antisemitism was marred by the very JewHate it is seeking to combat before it had even started. Here is a verbatim report of what happened. It should be shared worldwide and @HerbertParkH should be very very ashamed. @WorldJewishCong
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tara spring retweeted
“The words may be new, but the message is old”
It is unbelievably sad that in Ireland an International conference on Antisemitism was marred by the very JewHate it is seeking to combat before it had even started. Here is a verbatim report of what happened. It should be shared worldwide and @HerbertParkH should be very very ashamed. @WorldJewishCong
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tara spring retweeted
Never forget: a senior U.N. official who was on the ground in Israel in the aftermath of October 7th revealed how the strategy of international organizations was to decide in advance on the crime for which they would accuse Israel. “I was there, and I was absolutely stunned.” 🧵
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The UN accused Israel of genocide, and one of the 3 commissioners behind that accusation just admitted, in front of a live audience, that they never independently verified one of the most explosive statistics in their own report. Chris Sidoti insisted that his commission conducts independent investigations and doesn't simply rely on media reports. Except paragraph 21 of their official genocide report claims that 83% of those killed in Gaza were civilians. The footnote cites The Guardian. When asked whether the commission had actually verified that figure, Sidoti admitted: “No, we didn't… we literally do not know.” Now watch how this works. The Guardian publishes a statistic. The UN cites The Guardian. TIME and other media orgs then repeat the statistic while reporting on the UN's genocide findings, giving readers the impression that they're looking at an independently established fact. The media quotes the UN, the UN quotes the media, and somewhere along the way a newspaper's claim gets transformed into an authoritative finding of international investigators. This is how information gets laundered. Each new citation adds another layer of credibility without necessarily adding a single piece of independent evidence. But the commissioner himself admits they never verified the number. We're talking about an official UN report accusing the Jewish state of the gravest crime in international law, circulated around the world as authoritative evidence, while one of its own authors acknowledges that they literally do not know whether a central statistic they published is accurate. How many other claims in that report have been through the same process?
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The new Jew hunters.
In Hackney today, the Apartheid Free Zone group met to discuss setting up a zone in Hackney. These groups go door-knocking to ask ‘about Israel’. Hackney has a fairly high Jewish population. Green Cllr George Sheldon Grün attended this meeting. They also had a raffle at the end:
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This is Bushra Shaikh mocking the number of Jewish victims of the Holocaust. Why was she invited onto @bbcsml Why is the @BBC giving a platform to known extremists
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tara spring retweeted
BREAKING: Denmark's former foreign minister “shocked” over Nobel prize to Navi Pillay. “She is not qualified,” says Per Stig Møller. When Denmark was attacked by Muslims over cartoons of Mohammed, Pillay refused to help. “Her response was that we should introduce censorship.” 🧵
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This is exactly right by @VictoriaPeckham
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Is Hamas Becoming a Global Identity Vehicle? Support for Hamas has morphed into a transnational phenomenon that is not just about being “pro-Palestine.” Instead, Hamas and what it represents have become a form of rebellious identity expression and a vessel for a sprawling mix of grievances: ideological, economic, cultural, and psychological. Its jihadist violence is being repackaged as a catch‑all outlet for anti‑Western, anti‑capitalist, anti‑white, and antisemitic politics. Whether it is leftism or Islamism, the “resistance” narrative that Hamas ostensibly represents has become quite a normalized interpretation of how to think about October 7 and the past two decades in Gaza, while erasing Palestinian agency, responsibility, and accountability. The inability to truly understand the complexities and actual details of the Israel and Palestine conflict is why so many support Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, and the Iranian regime, all of whom are somehow seen as correcting or challenging white-centric dominance and colonialism. The third anniversary of October 7 exposed the scale of this shift. Large crowds in American and European cities used the worst day for Jews since the Holocaust and the most disastrous day in Palestinian history to flaunt their support for violent Islamist extremism. To understand the extent to which the “pro-Palestine” industrial complex has mutated and created out-of-control monsters, consider how incredibly damaging and self-sabotaging the pro-Hamas rallies and actions were. They deliberately chose to brand the Palestinian cause as inseparable from the bloodshed, hostage‑taking, and fascistic jihad of 10/7. These Western pro‑Hamas demonstrators are erasing any distinction between Palestinians and a terror organization that has devastated Palestinian society far more than it ever harmed Israelis. Their behavior naturally triggers an instinctive backlash: a hardening of attitudes, a dismissal of Palestinian suffering, and a collapse of sympathy for legitimate Palestinian grievances. Compounding the problem is the statistically confirmed fact that large segments of the Arab, Muslim, and Palestinian diaspora communities have been unable or unwilling to counter this trend. Some have joined it outright, embracing the “resistance” narrative or hiding behind slogans like “this didn’t begin on October 7” to avoid confrontation with the anti‑Zionist machinery that dominates the “pro‑Palestine” space and to not be called “Zionists” or “traitors” by other members of the community. With diaspora communities paralyzed, universities compromised, and basic civic norms eroded, national‑level responses are now essential. Support for Hamas remains strong three years after October 7 and is growing more entrenched. Think ahead five or ten years: persistent economic strain, deeper ideological radicalization, and expanding networks of Islamist and far‑left extremism. What happens when those marching for Hamas begin entering governments, militaries, financial institutions, and other levers of power? What happens when already‑radicalized youth, with no off‑ramps, continue believing the West, Jews, and Zionists are their mortal enemies? Even if a tiny fraction – less than one‑tenth of one percent – turn to violence, the resulting instability could eclipse that of ISIS and al-Qaeda combined. A coordinated national strategy is overdue – not to suppress legitimate debate on Israel and Palestine, but to draw firm boundaries and stop tolerating the intolerable. This video shows just a small sample of pro-Hamas rallies in major US and European cities two days ago, on October 7.
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tara spring retweeted
Six pro-Pals were arrested today for criminal damage after the Battle of Britain memorial was attacked. Wreaths lie broken and smashed at the feet of the monument dedicated to those brave warriors who defended us against the Nazis. Utterly shameful.
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tara spring retweeted
“Does Israel have the right to exist?” is the new “What is a woman?”
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tara spring retweeted
Ah, maybe you thought this gruelling week of Jew hate would be over. We’ve had: - Two men charged with attempted terrorist attack on the Manchester community - Jews being attacked at the Cable Street anniversary - the Greens Zionism is Racism motion - Our October 7 vigil date being hijacked by supporters of Hamas - the Nobel Peace Prize being given to someone who has a history of Israel obsession. But no. Once again, our streets will be filled with people attacking Zionists, calling for our death and the destruction of Israel. As a country we have become way too tolerant of the intolerant.
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Huh. Maybe they were stung by the whole Aung San Suu Kyi thing, and have decided to get ahead of the curve by recognizing laureates who disgrace the prize *before* it's awarded? – at Cardiff, Wales
BREAKING NEWS The Norwegian Nobel Committee has decided to award the 2026 #NobelPeacePrize to Navanethem “Navi” Pillay for her efforts to promote peace and international law. #NobelPrize
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