Not a week passes without Hamas abducting Palestinian civilians in Gaza and subjecting them to torture, beatings, deprivation, intimidation, isolation, and threats of execution. Many cases never surface because families stay silent, hoping to appease the group and protect their sons and daughters. Yesterday, Hamas kidnapped Ahmed Hilles, a well‑known young Gazan committed to a future beyond the group’s terroristic rule. He has been the subject of incitement by vicious arms of Hamas, including the Belgium-stationed counterintelligence social media-based network called “To catch a spy,” run by the fraudulent Hamas double agent who received political asylum in Belgium, Mohammed Othman. Last week Hamas abducted Eyad (Abu Hammam) Jundeya, an anti‑Hamas Gazan who had criticized Hamas‑aligned merchants for gouging prices to cover the group’s taxes. He disappeared for more than a week and was released showing clear signs of torture, then warned never again to speak on social media about Hamas or anything happening in Gaza. Hamas’s internal security also went after a friend of mine, previously arrested and tortured, summoning him yet again and threatening that he is out of chances if he posts anything critical of the group or its rule. I’ve spent days mapping where Hamas drags people for industrial‑scale interrogation, intimidation, torture, beatings, and execution threats. One site is steps from my childhood home in Gaza City, the el‑Yarmouk football stadium area in northern Rimal, between Sheikh Radwan and downtown. Hamas also uses abandoned or partially damaged houses and buildings across Gaza, including near Shujaiyya, Jabaliya, Sheikh Radwan, el‑Saha, Zeitoun, and Tal al‑Hawa. Through direct and indirect channels, I asked people with close contact to the Israeli military whether they knew about the sites Hamas uses for internal security and counterintelligence operations against Gazans. I inquired specifically if the military was aware of where Hamas takes civilians to be interrogated, tortured, beaten, jailed, and threatened by its various security services. I received broadly consistent answers: 1. Yes, the Israeli military generally knows where Hamas operates, including sites in partially destroyed structures, makeshift centers, medical facilities, displacement areas, and private homes. 2. The military does not have standing orders to target all Hamas police or rank‑and‑file militants. 3. Current priorities focus on eliminating those involved in October 7 and senior figures in Hamas’s military leadership. 4. The IDF will strike Hamas targets of any level if they credibly appear, through intelligence or observation, to be preparing attacks against Israel or IDF forces inside Gaza. 5. Because the ceasefire restricts major offensive operations, the IDF prioritizes Hamas targets according to Israel’s national security interests, not what might be most helpful or necessary for Gaza’s civilian population. If the Israeli military is understandably ill-positioned to counter Hamas’s internal terror apparatus against Palestinians in Gaza, then who is? Will it fall to the incoming NCAG-led Gaza police force and the International Stabilization Force under the Board of Peace? Could the UN do it? The Palestinian Authority? An armed uprising? A new regional or international coalition of the willing? And if the transitional process becomes excruciatingly slow and overly complex, will the international community tolerate a Jihadi‑fascist‑Islamist organization holding two million people hostage in 1/3rd of Gaza with no real horizon for Gazans to be freed from Hamas’s grip?

Today, Hamas imposed a new tax of around $3,500 per truck entering Gaza, calling it a “community contribution.” Merchants will pass that cost on to consumers, forcing people in Gaza to pay even higher prices.

This morning, I was at the @StateDept for attending an October 7 memorial. Since then, I have been in a terrible mental state. I cannot stop thinking about the people who lost their lives that horrible day, the indescribable pain they left their families with, and the people who celebrated their murder as a God-sent victory. I could not stop asking myself, where was God on October 7? Then, I realized this was not the right question. The right question is: where was our humanness on October 7 and after? Why so many people hate the Jews so blindly? Why they cannot see the Jews as… just humans. Centuries and millennia of unjustified hate from Haman to Shylock to Hitler to Nasser to Hamas. Until this day, people speak about human rights and human equality from one side of their mouth, and curse the Jews and wish them all sorts of harm from the other side. They fight against terrorism when it targets them, but when the Jews are the target, they celebrate the same terrorists as freedom fighters. As @SecRubio said today: “These are barbaric terrorists - and terrorist isn’t a strong enough word…This was not a military operation; these were not warriors…”

🇺🇸🇪🇺 Islamists without Islamism - a concept we have been debating at @ISGAP recently about the extent to which some modern politicians in the U.S., Europe, and Western democracies in general are advancing the goals of political Islamism while they themselves do not carry the label of Islamists. This trend is clearly evident in recent U.S. electoral races, for example. 📺 Watch my analysis on this and the European Parliament vote to designate the MB a terrorist group with @Nicole_Zedeck on @i24NEWS_EN today.

Not a week passes without Hamas abducting Palestinian civilians in Gaza and subjecting them to torture, beatings, deprivation, intimidation, isolation, and threats of execution. Many cases never surface because families stay silent, hoping to appease the group and protect their sons and daughters. Yesterday, Hamas kidnapped Ahmed Hilles, a well‑known young Gazan committed to a future beyond the group’s terroristic rule. He has been the subject of incitement by vicious arms of Hamas, including the Belgium-stationed counterintelligence social media-based network called “To catch a spy,” run by the fraudulent Hamas double agent who received political asylum in Belgium, Mohammed Othman. Last week Hamas abducted Eyad (Abu Hammam) Jundeya, an anti‑Hamas Gazan who had criticized Hamas‑aligned merchants for gouging prices to cover the group’s taxes. He disappeared for more than a week and was released showing clear signs of torture, then warned never again to speak on social media about Hamas or anything happening in Gaza. Hamas’s internal security also went after a friend of mine, previously arrested and tortured, summoning him yet again and threatening that he is out of chances if he posts anything critical of the group or its rule. I’ve spent days mapping where Hamas drags people for industrial‑scale interrogation, intimidation, torture, beatings, and execution threats. One site is steps from my childhood home in Gaza City, the el‑Yarmouk football stadium area in northern Rimal, between Sheikh Radwan and downtown. Hamas also uses abandoned or partially damaged houses and buildings across Gaza, including near Shujaiyya, Jabaliya, Sheikh Radwan, el‑Saha, Zeitoun, and Tal al‑Hawa. Through direct and indirect channels, I asked people with close contact to the Israeli military whether they knew about the sites Hamas uses for internal security and counterintelligence operations against Gazans. I inquired specifically if the military was aware of where Hamas takes civilians to be interrogated, tortured, beaten, jailed, and threatened by its various security services. I received broadly consistent answers: 1. Yes, the Israeli military generally knows where Hamas operates, including sites in partially destroyed structures, makeshift centers, medical facilities, displacement areas, and private homes. 2. The military does not have standing orders to target all Hamas police or rank‑and‑file militants. 3. Current priorities focus on eliminating those involved in October 7 and senior figures in Hamas’s military leadership. 4. The IDF will strike Hamas targets of any level if they credibly appear, through intelligence or observation, to be preparing attacks against Israel or IDF forces inside Gaza. 5. Because the ceasefire restricts major offensive operations, the IDF prioritizes Hamas targets according to Israel’s national security interests, not what might be most helpful or necessary for Gaza’s civilian population. If the Israeli military is understandably ill-positioned to counter Hamas’s internal terror apparatus against Palestinians in Gaza, then who is? Will it fall to the incoming NCAG-led Gaza police force and the International Stabilization Force under the Board of Peace? Could the UN do it? The Palestinian Authority? An armed uprising? A new regional or international coalition of the willing? And if the transitional process becomes excruciatingly slow and overly complex, will the international community tolerate a Jihadi‑fascist‑Islamist organization holding two million people hostage in 1/3rd of Gaza with no real horizon for Gazans to be freed from Hamas’s grip?

Hundreds join 'I'm not Jewish, I'm a Zionist' trend, 'Post' analysis finds jpost.com/diaspora/article-9…