"Why Do Some Fulani Prefer the Nigerian Military Over DSS and Operation Rainbow in Plateau State?" Many people, particularly among the Berom community, have been asking why some Fulani prefer the Nigerian military to the DSS and Operation Rainbow in Plateau State. Here is one of the reasons behind this perception. Many Fulani residents view the Nigerian military as actively combating insecurity across different parts of the state. However, concerns have been raised about the impartiality of other security outfits, with allegations that some personnel have sided with local groups in attacks that resulted in the burning of Fulani homes and the killing of their cattle. Security must be impartial, professional, and committed to protecting every citizen, regardless of ethnicity or religion. The primary responsibility of every security agency is to protect lives and property, prevent criminal activities, and ensure that justice is served without discrimination. Ultimately, public trust can only be built when every community feels protected, every allegation is investigated fairly, and no criminal is shielded because of ethnic or religion background.

PLATEAU RESOLVES: 2004 PEACE CONFERENCE RESOLUTION. TRUTH OF THE MATTER By LAWAL ISHAQ ESQ. BACKGROUND: In 2014 following the Presidential declaration of state of emergency on Plateau state that ousted the elected Dariye Administration and hoisted a Sole administrator in the person of Major General Chris Alli (Rtd), the Sole Administrator convened what he called Plateau Peace Conference in which “ethic nationalities in Plateau state” converged in the chambers of the Plateau House of Assembly and discussed the way forward in the quest for lasting solutions that will ensure peace in the state. The Hausa and Fulani were accorded the status of “Plateau State ethnic nationalities” and they fielded representatives. The larger Conference was divided into syndicates and each syndicate was given areas to deliberate on and proffer suggestions. One of such key areas was the thorny issue of Indigeneship of Plateau State. The representatives of Hausa in the Conference found themselves in the Syndicate saddled with the task of treating the issue of Indigenship. There was no agreement at that particular syndicate and the syndicate reported to the Conference that the issue of Indigineship goes along with Nigerian citizenship and it is a constitutional matter beyond the purviews of the conference. However, in compiling the main report, the Conference inserted a definition of a Plateau state indigene not agreed by the syndicate that treated the subject. As such, the Hausa representatives along with few others refused to sign the final document popularly known as PLATEAU RESOLVES: PLATEAU PEACE CONFERENCE 2004, (Published in September 2004). Same was gazetted as Plateau State of Nigeria Gazette No 2., Vol 9 on 11th November 2004. LEGALITY OR OTHERWISE OF THE DOCUMENT The Plateau Resolves 2004 as at today is NOT a law in the strict legal sense - and that is why its status is contested till today. This is because from 18 August to 21 September 2004, Gen. Chris Alli organized a Plateau Peace Conference in Jos, as earlier stated. All tribes/religions were invited. The outcome was a consensus document tagged "Plateau Resolves: Report of Plateau Peace Conference 2004" - published by Plateau State Government 2004. Gen. Alli "assented to it as Administrator" - but he did not promulgate it as a Regulation under the Emergency Powers Act. It is not a valid law because during State of Emergency, Section 305 and the President's broadcast said: "It is hoped that the Administrator will not need new laws... But if he does, it will be in the form of regulations which he will submit to the President for consideration by the Federal Executive Council and promulgated by the President for the State." Only two things were valid laws then: 1. Existing laws of Plateau State made before 18 May 2004 2. Regulations promulgated by the President in the Federal Gazette after approval by National Assembly on 1 June 2004 1/2

EXPOSING THE HYPOCRISY OF THE BEROM CHRISTIAN MILITANCY IN PLATEAU STATE In the ongoing rampages and attacks involving Berom militants and their cohorts, the following hypocrisies are hereby exposed: 1. Claiming that Berom militants and their cohorts are self-defenders or actors in self-defense against what they call “Fulani bandits” In reality, armed groups involving the Berom militias, Mwaghavul militias, Mushere militias, and others have been accused of being the actual gun-wielding attackers targeting Fulani herders and Muslims in Plateau State. 2. Claiming that tribal militias are vigilantes ensuring the security of their communities In reality, some armed individuals are operating under the mask of vigilantes while allegedly carrying out attacks against Fulani herders and Muslims in Plateau State and its environs. 3. Twisting reprisal attacks as the killings of Christians in Nigeria and what others call “Christian genocide” This narrative ignores the lives of Muslims who have also been targeted and killed in attacks involving alleged Berom and other armed groups. 4. Accusing the Army of colluding with bandits In the gallant efforts of the Army to stamp out criminals and armed attackers, the Berom Christian terrorists, its sympathisers and supporters groups turn around to falsely accuse the military of being complicit. This to serves as a cover for the continued attacks on people and the rustling of livestock, which remains the means of livelihood for many Fulani pastoralists. It’s the reason for using Berom women to stage a protest against the Army and to dismantle military checkpoints. Recently, Berom women were mobilized in Kassa, Barkin Ladi LGA, to stage a protest against the Army for its professional conduct, the only crime of refusing to hand over an AK-47 rifle recovered from a slain Berom militia leader who was killed in a reprisal attack. 5. The use of Pastors to promote anti fulani and anti Muslim campaigns Instead of using their influence to promote peace and harmonious coexistence among Christians and Muslims, some Pastors have resorted to spewing narratives that I believe contribute to anti-Fulani and anti-Muslim campaigns in the country. 6. Using the “Fulani” as a cover-up for targeting Muslims in Plateau State and its environs Instead of making it public if their mission is to target Muslims, they use the Fulani as a pretext for attacks and hostility against a wider Muslim population. 7. Using fabricated or exaggerated narratives such as “killings of Christians,” “Christian genocide,” and “Fulani are land grabbers” These narratives are being used as tools for attracting cheap attention, sympathy, and donations from local and international Christian groups. 8. Tagging Fulani pastoralists who engage in self-defense as “Islamic Jihadists” Fulani pastoralists who engage in self-defense to protect their animals and means of livelihood from rustling are sometimes tagged as “Islamic Jihadists.” This, in my view, is all in desperation to cover up attacks and rampages while attracting cheap attention, sympathy, and support. The lives of Fulani and other Muslim victims also matter. Justice and peace cannot be selective. Every innocent life lost in Plateau State deserves to be acknowledged, regardless of ethnicity or religion

“LAND GRABBERS, JIHADISTS AND ‘CHRISTIAN GENOCIDE’: THE THREE PROPAGANDA NARRATIVES BEING USED AGAINST THE FULANI IN PLATEAU STATE” ~ By Mustapha Gembu While the gun-wielding Berom Militias continue unleashing mayhem on Indigenous Fulani Pastoralists in Plateau State, the fabricated narratives below are being used to promote anti-Fulani propaganda. These are the three major narratives being repeatedly promoted: 1. “FULANI ARE LAND GRABBERS” The claim is that Fulani are land grabbers who forcefully established their settlements. The question remains: Fulani have been in Plateau State since the 19th Century, and we are now in the 21st Century — almost 200 years later. How does that suddenly make them land grabbers? If Fulani settlements have existed for generations, then stop presenting every Fulani presence in Plateau State as evidence of land grabbing. If there is a specific land dispute, identify the land, identify the parties involved, present the evidence, and let the law determine the matter. Do not turn every Fulani pastoralist into a land grabber simply because he is Fulani. 2. “FULANI HERDERS ARE WAGING JIHAD” A Fulani herder who is after protecting his life and his animals: How does that make him a Jihadist if not the fabricated lies are coming from a bunch of mental, brain-dead fools? A man protecting his life and his animals is not automatically a Jihadist. Where is the evidence of Jihad? Show the evidence. Identify the individual. Present the facts. But if all you have is the fact that the person is Fulani and Muslim, then calling him a Jihadist is nothing more than ethnic and religious labelling. Stop turning ordinary Fulani herders into religious-war suspects without evidence. 3. TWISTING REPRISAL ATTACKS AS “CHRISTIAN GENOCIDE” This is the deafening ongoing noise on the media and social media handles of the Berom Militias, their cohorts, sympathisers, and supporters. In reality, off-camera, the Berom Militias are the serial killers of the Fulani and other Muslims in Plateau State. For every Berom killed, it is never a killing of a Christian, but a reprisal attack from a Fulani over a man, a woman, or a child killed by the Berom Militias. The concern is that when events are presented without the preceding incidents, the public may only hear about one side of the story. A Berom victim may immediately be presented as a victim of Christian persecution, while the previous killing of a Fulani man, woman, or child may receive little or no attention. This is how reprisals can be twisted into a completely different narrative. The continuous promotion of such narratives on the media and social media handles of the Berom Militias, their cohorts, sympathisers, and supporters only deepens the division between communities and makes peaceful coexistence more difficult. The truth must be told from both sides. If a Berom is killed, it should be condemned. If a Fulani is killed, it should equally be condemned. If a Christian is killed, justice must be demanded. If a Muslim is killed, justice must equally be demanded. Justice cannot be selective, and human life cannot be valued according to ethnicity or religion. The Indigenous Fulani Pastoralists in Plateau State deserve protection, justice, and the right to live peacefully without being collectively branded as land grabbers, Jihadists, or perpetrators of violence simply because of their ethnic or religious identity. At the same time, every genuine allegation of violence should be investigated individually, and those responsible should be held accountable, regardless of whether they are Berom, Fulani, Christian, Muslim, farmer, pastoralist, or from any other community. The truth is the only foundation upon which lasting peace can be built in Plateau State.

Plateau in Crisis: Drone Allegations, Operation Rainbow and the Struggle for Peace Dr. Salim Musa Umar, FCIDA The renewed violence in Mangu, Bokkos and Barkin Ladi, makes the need to reject inherited historical grievances more urgent than ever. Killings, reprisals and counter-reprisals have brought grief, fear and mutual suspicion. Plateau crisis cannot be resolved by force alone. It needs security intervention, impartial investigations, accountability and reconciliation. Two issues are especially dangerous: allegations that spy drones were used to monitor Fulani settlements to gather intelligence for attacks and concerns about the conduct and perceived neutrality of some Operation Rainbow operatives. These must be confronted honestly, without ethnic prejudice, political manipulation or selective justice. Government’s first duty is to protect every innocent life, regardless of ethnicity or religion. Spy drones Reports that spy drones were used to monitor Fulani settlements, to identify locations, observe movements and gather intelligence that could facilitate attacks—warrant urgent independent investigation. If verified, using surveillance technology to target civilian settlements would be a deeply disturbing escalation. Technology meant for agriculture, development, emergency response and lawful security, must never become a tool for targeting people because of ethnicity. Authorities must establish whether such surveillance occurred, who was responsible, what information was gathered and whether it aided criminal activity. Anyone found to have deployed technology to facilitate unlawful attacks must face the law. But allegations must not be treated as established facts before independent verification. Rumours can inflame tensions. Investigations must be evidence-based, transparent and free from ethnic or political interference. Fulani lives matter. Berom lives matter. Mwaghavul lives matter. Every community on Plateau matters equally. No settlement should be a legitimate target because of its inhabitants’ ethnicity. Every community has a right to security, dignity and legal protection. Operation Rainbow Concerns about the conduct and perceived neutrality of some Operation Rainbow operatives must also be taken seriously. Operation Rainbow was established to protect lives and property, but its effectiveness depends on public confidence in its impartiality. If residents believe security interventions are uneven, or that one community’s suffering receives less attention, that perception can be as damaging as proven misconduct. It can discourage reporting threats and deepen the belief that some lives matter more than others. Operation Rainbow must demonstrate that it is not an instrument of ethnic mobilisation or a partisan actor in communal disputes. It must protect all law-abiding residents, investigate threats impartially and respond without fear or favour. Allegations that individual operatives participated in unlawful killings, intimidation, selective enforcement or facilitation of attacks especially on the Fulanis, must be independently investigated. Where wrongdoing is established, disciplinary and criminal proceedings must follow. The Plateau State Government should consider an independent review of complaints about Operation Rainbow in affected communities. It should examine operational records, residents’ complaints, video evidence, handling of distress calls and treatment of civilians. Fulani representatives, alongside Berom, Mwaghavul and other affected communities, should have safe opportunities to present evidence. Operation Rainbow cannot protect 1/2