🇵🇸🔻Private Metapolitics Channel

Daria Dugina! Present!

Me, anti-colonial third worldist (on the right) with my white nationalist oomf (on the left).

I have fucking enough of rightoid moralfagging about the left. "But saar leftist are gonna destroy family and civilization and and and" SHUT THE FUCK UP This civilization is fucked up from the very foundations and your jew right every time in every fucking country it has ruled did NOTHING to change it. What can left do? People are fucking in their asses, getting AIDS, killing their children, paying taxes for genocide and blaspheming God on every ocasion. Family don't exist. Men are treated as disposable trash. We live in a fucking satanic kingdom of antichrist and you are moralfagging about who will be raping you with a cross, and who will do this with LGBT flag? FUCK YOU, you goycattle are the very reason why we are in this situation. Fuck you, fuck the right wing and I hope you get annihiliated soon. And yeah, I don't care who will do this. As a monarchist - I don't cry when Robespierre kills the girondins. I will stand by and just watch the consequences of your actions.

🌊 V. Ramaswamy, D. Graham, M. Rogers, G. Abbott, K. Paxton and many other jewish cocksuckers OUT 🌊 Abdul el-Sayed victory (first Muslim in the Senate) 🌊 At least 5 new DSA rep. in the house 🌊 Regime change in America before Iran 🌊 5th third worldist election victory in a row (Brazil, Serbia, Arabs in Israel and Bulgaria previously) Third worldist islamo-communo-fascist network sends its regards

It's fucking hilarious that NAFOgoyim have supposedly debunked the story about a 14-year-old being held captive by Azog, so now, apparently, EVERYTHING IS JUST FINE AND DANDY - because holding and torturing adult men who refused to be sent into the meat grinder is somehow a fundamentally good thing, necessary to preserve "national security", the "national interest", and all the other bullshit they come up with to send us off to be slaughtered. Now that's patriarchal privilege for you! Society treats the inviolability of your bodily integrity as an unquestionable dogma if you're a child or a woman - just as it treats your dehumanisation and disposability as unquestionable dogma if you're an adult man. It's perfectly fine for several hundred thousand soldiers to die at the front - that's just the nature of things. But let a handful of civilians die in a bombing, and suddenly it's a metaphysical tragedy that everyone is expected to mourn and respond to by cursing "the enemy". The only real enemy is your local judeo-capitalist oligarchy, which can send you and other men like you to certain death whenever it pleases, and will torture you if you refuse. That is real, modern-day slavery - worse than most forms of slavery that existed in the past.

🇵🇱🪦A few days ago, taking advantage of the approaching holiday, I went to Warsaw’s Powązki Cemetery to honor the memory of the forgotten, or one might even say “cursed,” heroes of Polish history. “Cursed” by the Poles themselves and by Polish historiography, dominated by every variety of liberalism and occidentalism (from the so-called national to the so-called progressive sides). I visited their graves, lit memorial candles, and in some cases did a little cleaning around the final resting places of the following figures: 🕯️Stanisław Florian Potocki, Count of the Pilawa Coat of Arms (1776–1830) – A military officer during the era of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, a participant in the Kościuszko Uprising, an aide-de-camp to Prince Poniatowski, and a commander in the Duchy of Warsaw during the Napoleonic era. One might call him the very model of a Polish insurrectionist – someone to whom monuments could be erected! However, for Poliniaks, another fact is crucial. General Potocki subsequently served in the army of the Kingdom of Poland from 1815 onward, was an adjutant general to the king, and in 1830 was one of the commanders loyal to the king who opposed the uprising of the Poliniak goycattle – for which he was shot dead by that very goycattle. Today, he rests in a family tomb, somewhat off to the side. I practically had to “uncover” his grave myself, as it was completely buried beneath leaves. He is not the only Polish loyalist buried at Powązki – I also searched for another one, Tomasz Jan Siemiątkowski (likewise an officer of the Duchy of Warsaw), but I was unable to find his grave. Judging by photographs available online, even several years ago it was already severely neglected and barely visible. Eternal memory! 🕯️Eligiusz Niewiadomski (1869–1923) – A painter, art historian, and art critic, but above all a consistent Polish nationalist and the assassin of the first president of the Second Polish Republic, Gabriel Narutowicz. An independence activist during the era of the Russian Empire and a participant in the Polish–Bolshevik War. Unlike the majority of the National Democracy movement – which had already degenerated into a café-and-armchair center-right – he never renounced radicalism or activism. That is why he decided to carry out an assassination directed not so much against a particular individual as against a person who embodied the emerging liberal-leftist system in Poland and its defining features: its willingness to compromise (which Niewiadomski despised, opposing to it creative will and discipline), Jewish influence (in his view, Jews were a biological and cultural ulcer on Polish society – how radically different this was from the National Democrats’ fetish of assimilation!), and the sheer sterility and lack of energy within the circles with which Niewiadomski himself was associated (he felt a greater spiritual affinity with the politically active Piłsudskiites, capable of sacrifice and devoted to their leader, than with the “cold, bloodless snails” of National Democracy). Niewiadomski valued strength of character and readiness for action more highly than formal agreement on a political program. He was no legalist – he believed that the interests of the nation and raison d’état took precedence over all positive law. During his trial, he himself demanded the harshest possible sentence. It was not enough for him that the National Democrats condemned Narutowicz’s election. Mere parliamentary criticism did not correspond to his conception of effective political struggle – and so he chose to act, an act whose methods and perpetrator all the legalistic, compromise-seeking, castrated descendants of National Democracy continue to disavow to this very day. Eternal memory! 🕯️Leon Kozłowski (1892–1944) – An archaeologist, professor at Jan Kazimierz University in Lwów, legionnaire, Sanation politician, and prime minister of the Second Polish Republic from 1934 to 1935. In his youth, he was associated with the independence movement and the Polish Socialist Party, and later with Piłsudski’s political camp. A soldier of the Polish Legions, a member of the Polish Military Organisation, and a participant in the Polish–Bolshevik War. As a politician, he belonged to the Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government (BBWR), later becoming associated with the Camp of National Unity. He supported a strong executive authority and an authoritarian model of the state. As prime minister, he shared responsibility for establishing the Bereza Kartuska detention camp. He also participated in work on the April Constitution. At the same time, he was a tragic and "cursed" figure: arrested by the NKVD in September 1939, brutally tortured in Soviet prisons, and sentenced to death, a sentence subsequently commuted to imprisonment. Released following the Sikorski–Mayski Agreement, he joined Anders Army. In November 1941, he crossed the German–Soviet front line without authorization, declaring his intention to return to Poland. The Germans arrested him and placed him in Berlin, subsequently beginning to cooperate with him in anti-Soviet propaganda. For this, on January 21, 1942, a Polish court-martial itself sentenced him to death in absentia for desertion – a verdict approved by the prime minister-in-exile, General Sikorski. In 1943, in cooperation with the Germans, he visited the mass graves of Poles murdered at Katyn. Kozłowski died in Berlin on May 11, 1944, probably as a result of an Allied bombing raid. He was never formally rehabilitated. His story demonstrates that the anti-communism of Polish émigré circles and pro-western, supposedly “pro-independence” groups was always more an expression of russophobia and germanophobia – and that cooperation with one of the “occupiers,” even under tragic circumstances and even when it was necessary to reveal the truth, remains unforgivable. 🕯️Stanisław Cat-Mackiewicz (1896–1966) – A writer, political commentator, monarchist, conservative from the Eastern Borderlands, and one of the leading representatives of the Polish pro-German political orientation of the 1930s. Editor of the Vilnius newspaper Słowo (1922–1939), a BBWR deputy, and later prime minister of the Polish government-in-exile. The elder brother of Józef Mackiewicz. He represented state-oriented conservatism, monarchism, and an imperial conception of Polish eastern policy. He supported a strong executive authority and criticized parliamentarianism, agrarian reform, and the expansion of the state-controlled economy. In 1926, he helped organize a meeting between Piłsudski and the aristocracy at Nieśwież, marking the beginning of a rapprochement between the two circles. In foreign policy, he was a staunch anti-Bolshevik and an advocate of reaching an understanding with Germany, even after Hitler came to power and even during the Second World War – when he criticized General Sikorski’s policies and, following the defeat of France, personally urged President Raczkiewicz to enter into peace negotiations with Germany. For this, he was accused of treason in favor of Germany even within the émigré community itself. After the war, he defended his position, writing that Poland had needed its own Philippe Pétain. After 1945, he opposed underground conspiratorial activity against the Polish People’s Republic (PRL) and the idea of orienting Polish policy toward an American intervention against the USSR. In 1954–1955, he himself served as prime minister of the government-in-exile, appointed by President August Zaleski – resigning as a result of the absurd institutional, political, and personal conflicts into which the government-in-exile had plunged. Disillusioned with the condition of the Polish émigré community, he returned to the Polish People’s Republic in 1956. Despite his vehement anti-communism, his decision was nothing other than a consequence of the political realism he had advocated throughout his life. He believed that the émigré community, which theoretically fought for Poland’s independence, was itself becoming increasingly dependent on the Western powers and turning into little more than what we would today call an American proxy – while the United States was not a partner of the Poles but a geopolitical player that wanted intelligence cooperation from them and the destabilization of the political situation on the other side of the “Iron Curtain.” He did not regard such dependence as a better way of conducting Polish politics than seeking a limited understanding with the authorities actually governing in Warsaw. Interestingly, he had already been seeking to return to Poland for some time, but feared repression at the hands of the Stalinist authorities. He concluded the political declaration announcing his return to Poland with words attributed to Prince Michał Czartoryski: “Poland is Poland.” Unlike the Polish émigrés and liberals, Cat-Mackiewicz never regarded the fatherland as synonymous with any single political order or geopolitical orientation. His return to Poland once again provoked fierce accusations among the émigrés – a substantial part of the émigré community considered him a traitor, and even his own brother, Józef Mackiewicz, severed all contact with him. Above all, Cat-Mackiewicz was a consistent realist who, despite being in part a classical liberal, never acknowledged the political superiority of a demo-liberal system and a Western geopolitical orientation over a communist system and an Eastern orientation. Eternal memory! 🕯️Bolesław Piasecki (1915–1979) – A politician, ideologue, and political commentator, leader of the prewar ONR-Falanga, commander of the partisan Assault Cadre Battalions during the war, and later founder of the Catholic-national PAX movement, which cooperated with the communist authorities of the Polish People’s Republic. A giant of twentieth-century Polish politics. The most outstanding Polish “political Platonist.” Before the war, as one of the leaders of the ONR, and subsequently, following the split within that movement in 1935 and his assumption of leadership over Falanga, Piasecki sought a revolutionary transformation of political, social, economic, and cultural life in its entirety within the framework of a Catholic State of the Polish Nation. His fundamental concept was that of Catholic totalism – Piasecki believed that every sphere of human life should be subordinated to a single moral order. Alongside anti-capitalist and national-revolutionary slogans, Falanga’s ideology also embraced antisemitic slogans – Piasecki advocated removing Jews from political and economic life. He differed from the other organization that emerged from the ONR split, ONR-ABC, not only in the leader-centered, charismatic character of his leadership but also in his very conception of revolution. Piasecki envisioned the national revolution as a mass movement, as total mobilization along fascist lines – whereas his opponents primarily envisaged a clandestine, elitist movement. For his political activities, he was interned by the Sanation regime at Bereza Kartuska. After participating in the September Campaign and spending several months imprisoned by the Gestapo, Piasecki assumed leadership of the Confederation of the Nation, preserving the national-radical, Catholic, anti-liberal, and revolutionary character of his ideology. In his manifesto The Great Ideology of the Polish Nation (1940), he proclaimed the concept of a Slavic Empire – a federative great power under Polish leadership, encompassing Central and Eastern Europe and the Balkans, which would emerge following the anticipated defeat of both Germany and the USSR. He attributed to the war the character of a historical confrontation between Slavdom and Germanism, assigning to a future Poland the role of political and civilizational leader of the nations of the region. He sought to realize this vision through the “concept of the strike,” organizing the Assault Cadre Battalions (UBK) in 1942, which were intended to conduct offensive guerrilla warfare in the Eastern Borderlands and fight both the Germans and the Soviets. Following the failures of the first expeditions and the integration of the UBK into the Home Army, he personally commanded the 3rd Battalion of the Home Army’s 77th Infantry Regiment in the Nowogródek region, participating in partisan fighting and Operation Ostra Brama in July 1944. In November 1944, he was arrested by the NKVD, which marked the beginning of his political reorientation and his subsequent search for an understanding with the communists. During discussions with General Ivan Serov, he presented a proposal for cooperation between the nationalists and the communists, including, among other things, the neutralization of the pro-independence underground. He argued that instead of continuing a hopeless struggle against the USSR, it was necessary to accept the new geopolitical arrangement and the socialist restructuring of the economy while preserving the possibility of Catholic and nationalist political activity. On July 2, 1945, he was released, and with the consent of the communist authorities he began organizing the Today and Tomorrow (Dziś i Jutro) circle, from which the PAX Association emerged. In 1947, he presented the concept of the “unnamed movement” – a new Catholic movement that would accept the socialist restructuring of the economy, the nationalization of industry, central planning, and a geopolitical alliance with, while retaining its own philosophy and religion. At the same time, he rejected Marxist materialism and atheism, advocating a multi-worldview socialism in which Catholicism would constitute a philosophical and moral foundation of social life on equal terms with Marxism. PAX itself, in addition to becoming the principal Catholic publishing house, also became a place of employment, a source of assistance and intervention, and a venue for the publication of memoirs for some former Home Army soldiers and members of the pro-independence underground from the Second World War. This was particularly important at a time when many of them remained under surveillance by the security apparatus, were unable to find employment, or had already spent many years in prison. In 1955, the Vatican placed his Essential Questions (Zagadnienia istotne) and the weekly Today and Tomorrow (Dziś i Jutro) on the Index of Forbidden Books. In 1957, his son, Bohdan Piasecki, was abducted in Warsaw as he was leaving school – and subsequently murdered. Officially, neither the motive for the crime nor its perpetrators were ever established – in reality, Jews carried out an attempted ritual murder of Bolesław’s son. According to P. Raina, the murder of Bolesław Piasecki’s son was an act of Jewish revenge for his prewar antisemitic activities and his wartime struggle against Soviet partisans. Here, I will take the liberty of quoting J. Ignaczak (nacjonalista.pl/2025/01/13/j…): “Bolesław Piasecki believed in the existence of the True Order and at the same time applied the principles of political realism to its defense. The political doctrine he created was dynamic and always adapted to circumstances. Yet it always possessed the same hard ideological core around which everything else revolved. According to Piasecki, God was always the supreme good. The Catholic Church, meanwhile, was the custodian of the truth about God. For man, the path leading to God should be work in the service of the nation. […] The ideal toward which he strove was a vast authoritarian and Christian empire.” What makes his biography so fascinating is that it is radically nonlinear and controversial, especially for all those self-styled contemporary Polish “national radicals” (whose radicalism extends only to defending demo-liberalism against Russia and “religious fundamentalism”!). His story is remarkably consistent, both personally and ideologically – he always preserved the essence of his identity and his ideas, despite “playing,” indeed almost “amusing himself,” with various political concepts. Arguably the greatest genuine Polish revolutionary of flesh and blood – rebelling above all against the very milieu from which he had emerged – first through totalist radicalism, and later through his accommodation with the communists, though an accommodation that was profoundly creative, active, and ideologically driven rather than opportunistic and utilitarian. Eternal memory!

Finally 👏🤩

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Rightoids were so raped by just few years of woke that now every manifestation of idealism is woke for them. Besides, for them, "realism" means being an apologist for genocide, apologist for jew-imposed inequality, apologist for fucking like animals (thing that redpillers promote), chasing money and power, and all this primitive shit - all in opposition to what they label as "idealistic" wokeism. That's why they goon to every manifestation of brutal power and mock sacrcifice, heroism, selflessness and now even everyday normal life as being naive loser. They idealized cynicism and contempt. This is the biggest victory of those Andrew Tates and Elon Musks. Raped generation.