Bringing AI agents to construction and real estate. Founder of Jones. Roots in Tel Aviv, SF, and NYC. Views my own.

New York, NY
Joined March 2013
A lot has already been said about this statement, including by the mayor himself, who doubled down despite witnessing first-hand last night how his hateful rhetoric feeds into the streets. The pro-Hamas movement in NYC turned his own language against him, accusing him of abandoning the Palestinian cause, yet even being confronted by the movement he has helped embolden apparently gave him no reason to reconsider. I am an Israeli and, at least for now, a New Yorker. A month after I moved to this city, my brother-in-law, Omri Miran, was kidnapped from his home in front of my sister and their two little girls. He spent 738 days as a hostage of Hamas, while my family, who fortunately survived the massacre, lived with the fear that he would never return. October 7 carries memories and pain that we should be allowed to process without having them recruited into someone else’s political campaign. Yesterday I wanted space to remember those we lost and reflect on what these past three years have meant for my family and community. Instead, the mayor’s statement, like similar messages from political leaders around the world, asked us to absorb libellous accusations alongside our grief. What makes this statement sinister is that it appropriates October 7, turning the anniversary of a massacre committed against us into an occasion to indict us. People murdered in their homes, families burned alive, young people slaughtered at a music festival, women raped and assaulted, and children dragged into captivity are afforded a paragraph before their suffering becomes the introduction to the mayor’s political agenda. He acknowledges Hamas’s “horrific war crimes,” but gives far more space to Palestinian suffering while largely removing the perpetrators, their ideology and their responsibility for what followed. There is nothing about the celebration of the massacre, the support for those who committed it or the participation of some Palestinian civilians. Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad and other terrorist organisations are embedded in Palestinian political and social life, and any discussion that claims to offer context must account for their decisions and actions. Palestinian suffering does not erase the agency of those who committed October 7. The imbalance runs through his choice of words. Israelis were “killed,” and the hostages become “251 others,” with nothing about the babies, children, parents and grandparents behind that number, or the starvation, torture, sexual violence and psychological abuse they endured. He offers no sense of what it meant to wonder whether you would ever return, or whether anyone would still be alive to welcome you. When he turns to Israel, however, he reaches for “genocide,” one of the gravest accusations in international law. Hamas “killed” and committed “horrific war crimes,” while Israel is assigned an “ongoing genocide,” with no explanation of how he establishes that legal conclusion. He presents his accusation with the certainty of a verdict, as though using the word settles the question. That choice of language changes the meaning of the entire statement. Once Israel is cast as the perpetrator of an ongoing genocide, mourning October 7 on its own terms becomes morally incomplete, and sympathy for the victims becomes a brief concession before the reader is directed towards the supposedly more pressing duty of condemning their country. His repeated use of “every” reinforces that framing, collapsing different incidents and decisions into one uninterrupted account of Israeli criminality in which Hamas’s operations, its use of civilian infrastructure and its choices disappear. The same selectivity shapes his line that “the suffering did not begin or end that day.” The conflict has a history, but he invokes it to move attention away from the massacre while ignoring the history of terrorism and wars against Israel. If he insists on wider context, that context cannot consist only of what supports his indictment. I believe Palestinian civilians deserve compassion, safety, freedom from Hamas and self-determination based on territorial compromise, mutual recognition and an end to the conflict. None of that requires appropriating the anniversary of our families’ slaughter, and there are 364 other days to make that argument. The mayor’s words carry the authority of his office. They shape how our neighbours see us, how people justify treating us and whether Israelis and Jews feel safe in this city. Having encountered the movement’s appetite for accusation himself last night, he should consider what it means for those who face it without his platform or protection. We deserve to mourn without having our grief appropriated, our dead reduced to a preamble and accusations against our country presented as unquestionable truths. There is a time and place for everything, Mayor Mamdani, but you could not give us even this one day.
This day is profoundly painful for so many New Yorkers. It marks three years since the horrific war crimes of October 7. On that day, Hamas killed more than 1,100 Israelis and abducted 251 others. We grieve alongside our many friends and neighbors who still carry that unthinkable loss. The suffering did not begin nor end that day. It instead continued through the Israeli government’s devastating, ongoing genocide in Gaza, in which it has killed more than 74,000 Palestinians—including more than 21,000 children. Even since the so-called ceasefire, more than 1,400 Palestinians have been killed. That suffering has intensified with every Israeli bomb dropped on ambulances waiting outside hospitals, every drone strike targeting a residential building or journalist, and every shipment of food aid turned away at a border crossing. Many New Yorkers are reckoning with this unbearable grief, and we mourn alongside them – all while knowing that our tax dollars fund these war crimes. Three years later, we must refuse to accept a world in which occupation and apartheid continue, where war crimes are met with impunity, and our federal government continues its complicity with every arms shipment. To honor the dead, we must fight for a world in which every person can live with freedom, safety, and dignity.
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Mayor Mamdani knew all along that he could never arrest Israel’s Prime Minister Netanyahu or any foreign leader in New York City, which hosts the United Nations. Yet, he postured, virtue-signaled, used fiery rhetoric & lied as part of the tried & tested "pro-Palestine" ethos & strategy post-10/7 to build a political career and curry favor with a radicalized and selectively outraged voter base. This is the state of the contemporary “pro-Palestine” and anti-Zionist movements: zero accomplishments; no progress for Gazans or Palestinians on the ground; hollow sloganeering; empty promises; using Palestinians for personal gain; spreading divisiveness and unnecessarily incendiary language that goes nowhere; making a point but never making a difference, and blaming failures on everyone else. Mamdani is the latest iteration of a well-established pattern that has gotten the Palestinian people nowhere for decades. This is precisely why the DSA socialists, the neo-Communists, and Islamists are dangerous and cannot be trusted as actual allies and custodians of the Palestinian cause, nor as real partners in building prosperous and improved Western societies.
Benjamin Netanyahu is a war criminal.
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Following today’s #UN Security Council briefing, I am publishing the core elements of the proposed 15-point “Roadmap to Complete the Implementation of President Trump’s Gaza Comprehensive Peace Plan” in plain language. • Points 1–5: Principles • Points 6–11: Security • Points 12–14: International Stabilization Force and IDF Withdrawal • Point 15: Reconstruction A thread (1/16) 🧵
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There's a saying in VC: always raise from a position of strength. Founders hear it constantly. It's frustrating advice when you're not in one. But it's true. Nobody says the same thing about CEO transitions. They should. A CEO walking into momentum can attract great talent, earn the team's trust faster, and amplify what's working. A CEO walking into pressure is instantly playing defense. Founder CEOs who want to get this right don't wait for the window to open. You manufacture it. You build the quarter. You get the team, the product, and the balance sheet into the best shape you can before you make the move. That's not delay. That's what you owe your people. I wrote about this, and the two other signals that tell you the window is opening, in a longer piece for Not Another CEO. Grateful to the team at Not Another CEO what they're building - honest, thoughtful, and interesting stories from the CEO seat.
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Omri Stern retweeted
You have no experience. You’ve never started a company. You’ve never had a full time job. Nike is going to kill you. You’re a kid. You don’t have technical skills. You shouldn’t build hardware. Apple is going to kill you. You can’t build hardware. You can’t measure heart rate non-invasively. Athletes don’t care about recovery. Under Armour is going to kill you. It won’t be accurate. You don’t listen. You’re an ineffective leader. You can’t recruit great talent. You’re going to have to pay every athlete. You can’t measure sleep non-invasively. It’s too expensive to research. Athletes are a small market. The product costs too much to make. The product costs too much to sell. Your valuation is too high. Consumers aren’t going to want it. Hardware is too hard. You should measure steps. Fitbit is going to kill you. You can’t build a marketing engine. You can’t raise enough money. You need a real CEO. Google is going to kill you. You can’t be a subscription. You can’t build a brand. You can’t do consumer in Boston. Your valuation is too high. You shouldn’t make accessories. You shouldn’t make apparel. Lululemon is going to kill you. You can’t predict Covid. Stay in your niche. You are going to run out of money. You can’t build a health platform. Amazon is going to kill you. You can’t measure blood pressure. You can’t get medical approvals. The market is too small. You don’t understand AI. The market is too competitive. It won’t work internationally. The supply chain is too complicated. You can’t build an AI. You can’t raise enough money. It’s too competitive. Healthcare isn’t going to want it. … Just keep going ✌️
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Omri Stern retweeted
prediction re the end of spreadsheets AI code gen means that anything that is currently modeled as a spreadsheet is better modeled in code. You get all the advantages of software - libraries, open source, AI, all the complexity and expressiveness. think about what spreadsheets actually are: they're business logic that's trapped in a grid. Pricing models, financial forecasts, inventory trackers, marketing attribution - these are all fundamentally *programs* that we've been writing in the worst possible IDE. No version control, no testing, no modularity. Just a fragile web of cell references that breaks when someone inserts a row. The only reason spreadsheets won is that the barrier to writing real software was too high. A finance analyst could learn =VLOOKUP in an afternoon but couldn't learn Python in a month. AI code gen flips that equation completely. Now the same analyst describes what they want in plain English, and gets a real application - with a database, a UI, error handling, the works. The marginal effort to go from "spreadsheet" to "software" just collapsed to near zero. this is a massive unlock. There are ~1 billion spreadsheet users worldwide. Most of them are building janky software without realizing it. When even 10% of those use cases migrate to actual code, you get an explosion of new micro-applications that look nothing like traditional software. Internal tools that used to live in a shared Google Sheet now become real products. The "shadow IT" spreadsheet that runs half the company's operations finally gets proper infrastructure. The interesting second-order effect: the spreadsheet was the great equalizer that let non-technical people build things. AI code gen is the *next* great equalizer, but the ceiling is 100x higher. We're about to see what happens when a billion knowledge workers can build real software.
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In 2026, ambitious people will become even more ambitious when they experience the mind-blowing capabilities of AI agents in a business setting. I’m fired up to see what humanity can deliver, and very excited to take part in it.
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The Onion Theory of Risk by Marc Andreessen: "I think the single biggest thing entrepreneurs are missing, both on fundraising and how they run their companies, is the relationship between risk and cash. The relationship between risk and raising cash, and then the relationship between risk and spending cash. So I've always been a fan of something that Andy Ratcliffe taught me years ago, which he called the onion theory of risk. Um, which basically is, you can think about a startup like on day one, um, as having every conceivable kind of risk, right? And you can basically just make a list of the risks. And so you've got, you know, founding team risk. You know, do the founders, are the founders gonna be able to work together? Do you have the right founders? You're gonna have product risk. You know, can you build a product? You'll have technical risk, right? Which is maybe you need a machine learning breakthrough or something to make it work. Are you gonna be able to do that? Um, you'll have, you know, launch risk. Will the launch go well? You'll have, you know, market acceptance risk. You'll have revenue risk. A big risk you get into in a lot of businesses that have a sales force is, can you actually sell the product for enough money to actually pay for the cost of sale? So you have the cost of sale risk. If you're a consumer product, you'll have a viral growth risk. Well, you get the thing of viral growth. And so, a startup at the very beginning is basically just this long list of risks. And then the way that I always think about running a startup is also the way I think about raising money, which is it's a process of peeling away layers of risk as you go. And so you raise seed money in order to peel away the first two or three risks. The founding team risk, the product risk, and maybe the initial launch risk. You raise the A round to peel away the next level of product risk. Maybe you peel away some recruiting risk because you get your full engineering team built. Maybe you peel away some customer risk because you get your first five beta customers. And so basically the way to think about it is you're peeling away risk as you go. You're peeling away risk by achieving milestones. And then as you achieve milestones, you're both making progress in your business, and you're justifying raising more capital. And so you come in, and you pitch somebody like us, and you say you're raising a B round. The best way to do that with us is you say, okay, I raised a seed round, I achieved these milestones, I eliminated these risks. I raised the A round, I achieved these milestones, and I eliminated these risks. Now I'm gonna raise a B round. Here are my milestones, here are my risks. And then by the time I go to raise a seed round, here's the state that I'll be in. And then you calibrate the amount of money that you raise to spend to the risks that you're pulling out of the business. And I go through all this, in a sense this sounds kind of obvious, but I go through all this because it's a systematic way to think about how the money gets raised and deployed. As compared to so much of what's happening, especially these days, which is just, my God, let me go raise as much money as I can. Let me go build the fancy offices, let me go hire as many people as I can, and just kind of hope for the best."
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B2B enterprise software is inherently 10x stickier than any given consumer software category. That’s because of some combination of implemention cost, network effects (multi-sided, data, etc.), switching costs, and brand. ChatGPT and Gemini are proving to be some of the stickiest products ever made in consumer software. Prediction: 2026 and beyond will be about vertical AI companies building agents in B2B software categories that have generational impact because they are 20x stickier than anything else.
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He only moved back to Australia two weeks ago, to fight the explosion of antisemitism there. Now @Ostrov_A was injured in the Bondi Beach terror attack—and bounced straight back up to tell the media about the ordeal.
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Vertical AI founder reflections on a Saturday: In a world where AI tools (and slop) is stacking up, founder-led growth is not just about 0 to 1. More and more #Construction and #CRE companies are struggling to figure out signal from noise in the crowded AI landscape. I’ve been enjoying spending time with customers to get a sense for how they are thinking about AI. More often than not, by returning to the early-stage customer development playbook, conversations become significant growth opportunities without a hard sell. I keep it to four questions that guide the discussion: 1. What’s the hardest thing about [describe problem]? 2. How are you solving that problem today? 3. What don’t you love about this solution? 4. If you could wave a magic wand and you have this, how valuable would it be? Founder-led growth is critical to make the AI magic happen.
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The worst part of the “Gaza genocide” lie isn’t the politics. It’s what it does to our kids. It teaches an entire generation that facts don’t matter. Only volume, victimhood, and hashtags. It teaches them that morality is optional as long as you shout the “right” slogan. It teaches them that violence is justified if you can frame yourself as the oppressed. And the most dangerous part? It raises kids to believe that Jews are uniquely evil, not because of anything they’ve done, but because the world around them repeats it often enough. This lie doesn’t just distort reality. It normalizes hate. It rewards ignorance. It makes empathy selective and cruelty fashionable. If you want a future where kids can think for themselves, where truth matters, where hate isn’t branded as “solidarity” then the biggest threat isn’t misinformation. It’s the adults who know it’s a lie and repeat it anyway. They’re not just poisoning the debate. They’re poisoning the next generation.
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Half of New York voted against capitalism yesterday. It’s a bad morning to be an NYC entrepreneur.
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After 9/11, New York elected Michael Bloomberg: a competent, non-ideological, self-made billionaire. Bloomberg—despite, or perhaps because of, his lack of previous government experience—went on to be a highly effective mayor. He balanced the city’s budget, even in the aftermath of 9/11 and the 2008 financial crisis. He oversaw record low crime rates. He modernized city operations; opened over 100 charter schools; supported major redevelopment projects, from the High Line to Hudson Yards to the World Trade Center. Unfortunately, New York voters are now on the verge of electing Zohran Mamdani, a candidate who, in every way possible, is the polar opposite of Michael Bloomberg. Where Bloomberg was self-made (his dad was a bookkeeper, his mom was a secretary, and he worked his way through college), Mamdani has spent his life riding the coattails of his wealthy and influential parents (his mom is a prominent filmmaker, his dad a Columbia professor). Despite the significant privilege into which he was born, Mamdani has few—if any—accomplishments to show for it. Where Bloomberg spent his career in the private sector, building one of the most important companies in the finance industry and creating tens of thousands of jobs, Mamdani has literally never held a job outside of politics. He’s never had to manage a budget, let alone be responsible for payroll. Where Bloomberg was data-driven and dispassionate, Zohran Mamdani is ideologically captured and impulsive. His interviews and speeches are a hodgepodge of social-media talking points from the Democratic Socialists of America, Students for Justice in Palestine, and other fringe leftist groups. His policy positions—rent freezes, free busses, city-run grocery stores, green infrastructure, reduced policing—are more than simply not data-driven; they’ve been categorically disproven by mountains of data and evidence from failed leftist policy experiments in other cities, time and time again. Zohran Mamdani is the anti-Bloomberg. His background, his character, his temperament, and his platform are the exact opposite of Michael Bloomberg’s. And the results of his administration will be as well.
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Omri Stern retweeted
This is obviously an extreme example of the productivity gains with AI agents. We can debate the numbers on this. Maybe it’s 10X or 100X vs 1000X, but the direction is correct. What’s going to happen is we’ll just completely change our expectations for the kinds of things we can tackle now. This will benefit both sides of the barbell of complexity of projects. The small annoying things that just keep stacking up can now be much more easily taken on - because you can just parallelize working on them in the background trivially. But probably the bigger deal is we can begin to wrap our head around much gnarlier projects that are always hard to signup for because of resource constraints. The default of all software projects, regardless of complexity, is just going to be “yes we can take that on” going forward.
I’m probably > 1000x. No joke. Projects that in the past would have taken a team of 5 $300k+ senior / staff eng / researchers 6 months are now weekend solo projects. It’s so over.
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Leaders in construction and real estate face a tough choice: should you partner with vertical AI providers or build solutions in-house? This decision isn’t just about technology—it’s about how quickly you can create value, manage costs, and handle risks. open.substack.com/pub/omrist…
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We've heard it now time and time again - over 90% of enterprise AI pilots fail to create ROI in the enterprise. And it’s not because the technology doesn’t work—it’s because of how it’s implemented. I started a Substack to focus on AI insights specifically in Construction and Real Estate, verticals where AI adoption is taking off. substack.com/profile/7577385…
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American hard power is alive and well in the 21st century.
What caused Hamas to agree to give up its chief bargaining chip, the Israeli hostages, for phase 1 of the deal was the unprecedented pressure against the terror group from Turkey, Qatar, and Egypt. The Turks want sanctions relief, the F-35 stealth fighter, new F-16s, and greater cooperation with the US. The Qataris got the apology from Israel for the failed airstrike and the US commitment to Doha’s national security through a new agreement/pact, and in exchange, had to deliver the hostages, which means delivering Hamas. Egypt has been terrified of the specter of forced displacement of Gazans into Sinai, and its mobilization of the Egyptian army on the country’s eastern border raised tensions with Israel and threatened the peace treaty between the two countries, not to mention US foreign aid. Cumulatively, this meant that the three countries (Turkey, Qatar, and Egypt) applied enormous pressure on Hamas, which is isolated, militarily weakened, its allies defeated, and without options.
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