Lightly Seared On The Reality Grill #StandWithUkraine It's up to us.
Germany
Joined January 2009
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And I will continue to do so until Ukraine has won and russia is defeated.
#SlavaUkraini 🇺🇦🇺🇦🇺🇦
#RussiaIsATerroristState
Matthias Fischer retweeted
When I was writing Unreal Engine 1, my time was divided as follows:
- Around 30% went to seriously deep coding on hard problems: assembly language texture mappers, C++ BSP trees, data persistence, object oriented systems design, and networking.
- Around 70% was just typing and refactoring large bodies of code needed for a complete engine feature set. This was not hard, and while I was doing it my mind was mostly on the deeper coding topics, thinking and planning for what's next. It didn't feel much different from vibe coding today, except that it was just me typing code on an IBM Model M keyboard rather than prompting it and reviewing the results.
So, it has always seemed perfectly logical that we would rely on AI for that 70%, once the AI could do it with a similar quality standard as we could, which has never been perfection. It came as no surprise that, after a few years of AI model evolution, it was able to take the reigns on that 70% and free up programmers' time for more valuable tasks.
What's more of a surprise is the emergence of AI as a sort of insta-Carmack able to solve hard technical problems quite cleverly and often cleanly, and that it's able to reason about and work in complex 3D scenes both by operating the tools and by directly understanding the raw data files.
I abandoned assembly language in 1998 when out-of-order CPUs made much simpler C/C++ code faster, and never I missed it. If prompting through architectural documents, concept art, and design plans can transcend typing code and tweaking vertices, that will enable developers to spend their time on higher-level, higher value technical and creative tasks.
What matters is the end product, whether it's a game or an engine. Anything developers can do to try out more ideas and make better software and games faster is a win for everyone.
Matthias Fischer retweeted
An important study that deserves to be shared as widely as possible within the English-speaking world.
Last night, our friends at the *Militarnyi* portal published an English-language article containing a technical analysis of the onboard computer from a Russian jet-powered drone—the "Geran-4."
Of the 105 components identified, 80 come from American companies; Texas Instruments alone (including components from National Semiconductor, which was acquired by TI in 2011) accounts for 58.1% of the total.
In short: this points to a systemic reliance on Western electronics in this Russian attack drone.
For this reason, we have created a separate English-language "quote tweet" with commentary, in which we have tagged @TXInstruments directly.
We would appreciate it if you could share this post. 😉
Please tag journalists, American politicians, experts, and organizations involved in sanctions and export controls in the comments.
Our experience in disseminating such investigations shows that it is crucial to bring these findings to light beyond the Ukrainian "information bubble." They need to be seen by the manufacturers themselves, as well as by journalists, analysts, sanctions experts, American policymakers, and export control specialists.
Regardless of the current policy of the White House, the United States is much more than just a single administration or a single president. They include Congress, the media, industry experts, manufacturers, and government institutions—all of whom can raise the question of how American electronics end up in Russian attack drones on such a large scale. Therefore, such revelations must continue.
@informnapalm xitter.cf/InformNapalm/status/21…
Russia calls this “domestic production.”
Yet in the Geran-4 flight controller examined by Ukrainian specialists, no Russian-made electronics were found at all. Of 105 identified components, 80 came from 🇺🇸 U.S. companies — with @TXInstruments, including components from National Semiconductor acquired by TI in 2011, accounting for 58.1%.
#Russia #US #ExportControls
Matthias Fischer retweeted
Ukraine can't destroy Gazprom's pipelines because doing so inconveniences German consumers.
Ukraine can't hit Russian refineries because that inconveniencs US consumer.
Russia, on the other hand, can destroy Ukraine's energy grid because it inconveniences no one.
Shameful.
Matthias Fischer retweeted
I know what these posts may cost me.
I know that my account may be buried by the algorithm, that my fundraisers may become invisible, and that the support my people desperately need may become even harder to find.
But tell me, how am I supposed to stay silent?
How can I talk about algorithms, engagement, and fundraising strategies as if they matter more than the lives of people who are about to face another winter under Russian terror?
My heart is breaking. I am exhausted, angry, and filled with a hatred for the cruelty that continues to destroy my country and steal the future of our children.
I am a soldier. I know what we are fighting against. But I am also a husband, a father, and a human being who is tired of watching innocent people pay the price for the world’s hesitation.
Every time Russia strikes our energy infrastructure, it is not just another headline. It is another threat to families who want nothing more than to survive the winter in their own homes. It is another night of fear, another uncertainty, another reminder that for millions of Ukrainians, peace is still a distant dream.
So yes, perhaps these words will cost me visibility. Perhaps fewer people will see my fundraisers. Perhaps the algorithm will bury my voice.
But I cannot trade my conscience for reach. I cannot choose silence simply because speaking the truth might make it harder to ask for help.
To my friends in the West: please, do not let Ukraine become background noise. Do not let our suffering become so familiar that it no longer moves you.
We are still here. We are still fighting. And we still need you.
Not because we expect you to save us, but because your support helps us protect the people who have nowhere else to turn.
If you cannot donate, please share this message. If you cannot share it, please do not look away.
Because somewhere in Ukraine, a family is wondering whether they will have electricity, heat, or a safe place to sleep this winter.
And I refuse to pretend that this is normal.
Forgive me if my words are too angry. I am simply running out of ways to describe the pain of watching my country suffer and still having to beg the world not to forget us.
Matthias Fischer retweeted
I had a simple test for hiring in the Governor’s Office: do you want to serve the public? I didn’t care what party you came from, and I didn’t care what my party said about you. That’s how it should be. Public servants, not party servants.
@govarnoldusc had a fantastic event yesterday about the 20th anniversary of AB 32, California’s historic law I signed to terminate pollution and prove you can protect the environment and pump up the economy. Since 2000, California’s emissions are down 21%, while our economy is up 81%.
We served the public. Not the party.
Matthias Fischer retweeted
Samstag findet in Aachen wieder die Mahnwache für die Ukraine statt. 15:00 am Münsterplatz. Kommt vorbei, eure Unterstützung zählt heute mehr denn je./ Ki
Matthias Fischer retweeted
Kasparov: Putin has about three months to make NATO's Article 5 fail. A small incursion into Estonia or Latvia plus drone attacks could end the alliance.
Putin's real target is the elections in France, Spain, Italy and Germany. 1/
Matthias Fischer retweeted
KEY TAKEAWAY: Ukraine’s partners must learn what is arguably the most important lesson from this war – recognizing (and denying) the Kremlin’s strategy of disrupting Ukraine’s and its partners’ initiative. Russia has undermined Ukraine’s and Western initiative in the past by manipulating Western decision-making. The Kremlin invoked nuclear blackmail during Ukraine’s counteroffensive in Kharkiv Oblast and in Kherson in Fall 2022. The Kremlin’s cognitive warfare effort at the time negatively shaped Ukraine’s allies’ decision about supplying Ukraine with military equipment and prevented Ukrainian forces from imposing additional defeats on Russian forces, disrupting Ukraine’s momentum and prolonging the war.
Russia seeks to keep Ukraine and its allies in a reactive stance, focused on discussing tactics rather than developing a strategy. Russia is trying to create new dilemmas to force Ukraine and its allies to respond to exigent threats and crises, for example jet-powered drones or offers of cooperation — like the Kremlin’s energy deal — to undermine Ukraine and the West’s proactive and sustained campaigns.
Ukraine’s allies must prevent Russia from once again disrupting Ukraine’s battlefield momentum and help Ukraine seize and hold the strategic initiative against Russia — as Russia’s strategic bombing campaign against Ukraine becomes more brutal alongside Russia’s kinetic attacks against Europe. Most immediately, Ukraine’s partners must help accelerate the scaling of countermeasures to Russian jet-powered drones, recognizing that this capability makes Russia’s 2026 strategic bombing campaign particularly dangerous due to the systems’ effectiveness against dynamic targets, including those deep in Ukraine’s rear.
Ukraine’s partners must proactively resource Ukraine’s battlefield momentum. Momentum requires resourcing and planning. The European Union’s release of its loan to Ukraine should avoid repeating the incrementalism patterns in delivery of Western military aid that allowed Russia to prolong the war in the first place. European funding needs to support Ukraine’s military leadership’s ability to plan simultaneous and successive operations well into the next year in order to sustain and grow the effects of Ukraine’s 2026 progress in its ground war.
The United States and Europe must proactively resource Ukraine’s deep strike campaign against Russia’s defense industrial and energy sectors by increasing sanctions on Russia’s energy sector and helping accelerate the growth of Ukraine’s deep strike capability.
SPECIAL REPORT: The United States and Europe risk squandering the best opportunity since 2022 to alter Russia’s trajectory toward a longer and larger war. Ukraine currently has the best chance of seizing the strategic initiative against Russia since December 2022, while simultaneously facing the greatest risk to its momentum.
Russia’s ballistic missile and jet-powered drone campaign against Ukraine, alongside its growing kinetic attacks against NATO states, aims to drive Ukraine and its allies into a reactive stance and distract them from seizing a hard-won opportunity to hold the strategic initiative against Russia.
The Kremlin’s offer to supply diesel to global markets is a cognitive warfare effort that aims to disrupt the momentum of the effective pressure campaign against Russia’s energy sector.
The Kremlin is vigilant about Ukraine and its partners holding the initiative and seeks to deter and disrupt it at all costs.
The United States and Europe can either deny the Kremlin’s strategy or risk a greater war with greater escalation risks.
Matthias Fischer retweeted
SPECIAL REPORT: The United States and Europe risk squandering the best opportunity since 2022 to alter Russia’s trajectory toward a longer and larger war. Ukraine currently has the best chance of seizing the strategic initiative against Russia since December 2022, while simultaneously facing the greatest risk to its momentum.
Russia’s ballistic missile and jet-powered drone campaign against Ukraine, alongside its growing kinetic attacks against NATO states, aims to drive Ukraine and its allies into a reactive stance and distract them from seizing a hard-won opportunity to hold the strategic initiative against Russia.
The Kremlin’s offer to supply diesel to global markets is a cognitive warfare effort that aims to disrupt the momentum of the effective pressure campaign against Russia’s energy sector.
The Kremlin is vigilant about Ukraine and its partners holding the initiative and seeks to deter and disrupt it at all costs.
The United States and Europe can either deny the Kremlin’s strategy or risk a greater war with greater escalation risks.
