learnedex (@learnedex1) profile picture

Independent advocacy for progressive and positive change in criminal justice

Joined May 2023
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What news of a release date for the Gauke Review on Sentencing? How long is ‘the Spring’? So far we’ve got a precis of Russell Webster’s blog disguised as Findings Part 1. When does the meat come? And what hope for any expediting of recommendations? Anyone?
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If there is to be up to 11% reduction in budgets including Justice, will there be any scope at all for implementing recommendations from Gauke? Is any money ring-fenced?
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And if not what choices for opportunity cost budgeting? Please don’t wallop the already massively inadequate Prison Education budget…
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Part 1 of the Gauke Review is a précis of the last 18 months of Russell Webster’s blog. Value? Minimal. Cost? Dare we ask? And can we guarantee that any of Part 2 ‘s Recommendations will even get to pilot let alone implementation? We await ‘the Spring’ with unbridled scepticism.
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A strategy has evidence, conclusions and expert thinking as its foundation. It promulgates an implementation plan with deadlines, resources and costs allocated. No firm dates, plans or creative solutions in the prison strategy. Just reviews. It’s not a strategy it is aimless.
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1/4 Another Review in the justice process. That makes 4 running consecutively. To recap: if you have committed murder, your sentence may change (Law Commission); if you haven’t, the sentence may change (Gauke Review);
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And actually it is now 5. The new Levenson Review will look at the process of trial by jury. The justice Venn diagramme is looking overly complex!
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4/4 Meantimes spare a thought for the 86,000 rotting in the human warehouse whilst the endless wittering and teeth-sucking goes on in the corridors of so-called power. There has to be a better and more dynamic way.
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3/4 This will all take time - Law Commission could take two years - and to quote a phrase, “justice delayed is justice denied”. And what certainty is there that anything will actually change? Sadly none.
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2/4 if you go to prison the regime may be up in the air (Lords Justice Committee); and once you are there all ideas of resettlement and rehabilitation are fluid (Commons Justice Committee).
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If the Law Commission is doing a Review of law & sentencing policy for homicide and its results differ from the Gauke Sentencing Review should we call an Inquiry to Review the Reviews? Should we review Review policy?
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Ah. I stand corrected. Murder and its associated parties were excluded from the Gauke Review. Too complex and need their own Review. Presumably that means the rest are simpler to manage… Which gets prioritised for change?
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And if the two concur, why have two in the first place? Are Reviews now an end in themselves ie of limited or no real value and no longer a means to something better? If so why waste time and money on them?
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Inquiry-itis. Sentencing Review, Lords Cttee on Justice and Commons Justice Cttee all seek submissions on subjects already seen in Russell Webster’s blog. We have analysis of bad and loads of ideas. We need action. How do we ensure these aren’t just talking shops? Again…
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Could we have Ministerial commitment from MoJ to take at least one (three?) recommendations from all Inquiries at least to pilot phase? Might improve quality and action at the same time.
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That’s a proper media interview. Raw.
"I'm angry and sad and shell shocked and our industry is totally done" Toby Dicker from the Salon Employers Association shakily explains how the budget will impact businesses like his #KayBurley SS
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We can’t review sentencing policy without tackling the public’s perception of justice. Justice follows the Rule of Law. Sentencing achieves it. It is not about grievance or a myriad other emotions. Let’s make that clear to all. Then we can develop better systems to deliver it.
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When it comes to criminal justice, it is time to bin the plan to build prison places that won't even touch the sides of what would be 'needed' and invest money into the probation service and into prevention. Cheaper, more effective, more humane, ✅✅✅
Next week Rachel Reeves will reveal an enormous funding deficit for core public services, having instructed Treasury officials to ask each department to list services that aren’t being financed adequately or are in danger of collapse or where there is some other hidden liability. Just the liabilities we know about run to untold billions - from the NHS workforce plan, to infected blood and post office compensation, to public pay sector pay awards, to the advanced manufacturing plan, to our creaking nuclear defence capability, to more mainstream defence requirements, to commitments on education and overseas development, to the welfare costs of an epidemic of physical and mental disability, and so on and so on. It is easy to get to a financing hole of well over £50bn without even taking up the public sector equivalent of the floorboards, or worrying how many of our failing privatised services, water in particular, will end up as taxpayer costs. None of this is a surprise. I have been banging on for countless weeks that the new government would inherit a fiscal disaster. So with a face that looks as though she has chewed through a crate of lemons, Reeves is doing a George Osborne: just as in 2010 he built a political and economic strategy for an entire parliament around the charge that the previous Labour government had been spending money it didn’t have, she is blaming Johnson, Truss and Sunak for her toxic fiscal legacy. This is raw and obviously sensible politics. It should allow her and Starmer to shift opprobrium for their remedies to their Tory predecessors. There is one big difference between her and Osborne though. He was clear from the outset that his response would be austerity, or deep cuts in public services. He had a plan. In retrospect even his own Tory colleagues wish he hadn’t been quite as zealous as he was in pursuing that austerity plan. But it was real, and simple to communicate. But what on earth is Reeves’s plan? Austerity is not available to her - partly because the mess she has inherited was caused in part by that very austerity, and because even the most Starmerite of the hundreds of Labour MPs won’t wear it. Also she has closed off the option of letting the national debt rise for longer, and mending the fabric through additional borrowing: her fiscal rules are never to be tweaked or re-interpreted, her colleagues tell me; it is as if she went up the mountain and a deity she calls Stability dictated them as permanent commandments. So obviously she has to increase taxes. There’s nothing else for it. Her autumn budget will have to be a massive reset of the tax system to generate those colossal sums needed to fix the foundations of the state. Except that approach too looks almost impossible - because Starmer promised in the election he wouldn’t raise money from the biggest available pools, namely income taxes on people, or VAT or corporation tax. Reeves could increase taxes on capital, but that would alienate the investors and creditors she desperately needs to finance all those wind farms, and new homes and assorted infrastructure projects she and Starmer have promised. What she’s left with is - possibly - reducing tax breaks on saving for a pension, taxing land and increasing the yield from council tax. There are arguments for doing all or any of these. But quite how they would raise enough defeats me. So it is all very well for Reeves and Starmer to blame and heap shame on Sunak and co. But this is their problem now, and at some point - presumably in the next three months - they’ll have to tell us where the money’s coming from to fix it.
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