Kampala isn’t for the weak! 😭😂 My boss had a car (TX) that he was selling and I spent almost three days looking for a buyer. Finally, I found one and we agreed to meet at the bond. I was busy somewhere but as soon as the customer was ready, I travelled to the bond. I arrived before him, waited for a while and finally, he showed up. I told him the price of a newly imported TX. He negotiated and we eventually agreed on a price. As we were about to go to the bank to complete the transaction, he suddenly said, “Wait, can’t I come tomorrow?” I was like, “Eh! What’s up? We can still close the deal today!” It was already getting close to 5 p.m. I was supposed to earn UGX 3 million from that deal because I was the one who had found the customer and negotiated with him. Little did I know that while I was away answering a phone call, my boss had asked the customer for his number. He then quoted a lower price than the one I had given the customer and apparently told him to say he would buy the car and come back the following day. Anyway, I went home, believing the customer would return the next day. When I went back to the bond, I found the car was no longer there. I asked my boss what had happened and he casually said, “Mbu, it was sold.” I asked, “To whom?” 😭 I was so disappointed. A few days later, I was at Comart Supermarket when I saw the same customer driving the very car I had helped him negotiate for! At that moment, I knew my boss had gone behind my back and closed the deal without me. 💔 A few days later, I noticed a cash deposit on my Airtel Money account from a mobile money agent. I waited for someone to call and say they had mistakenly sent the money to my number but nobody called. Eventually, I realised it was probably my boss who had sent it to me, perhaps as some shit of compensation. 2% out of 2M really?? Anyway, that experience taught me a serious lesson: I was dealing with a snake. 🐍😭😂

What dating in the Amish world is like

City pastor linked to sh2.9b gold theft Pastor Mwesige of Good News Church was arrested on October 2, during an operation at his church premise. Upon interrogation, he admitted to knowing the American investors, adding that the money in question was used to set up Ukuri Aperture Science Innovation Ltd in Karamoja. DETAILS 👉👉newvision.co.ug/category/new… #VisionUpdates

When Abiy Ahmed became Ethiopia’s prime minister in 2018, he surprised the world by reaching out to Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki. The two leaders met, embraced, and signed a peace agreement, ending a long period of hostility between countries that had fought a brutal border war nearly two decades earlier. Borders reopened, diplomatic relations improved, and the two governments began talking. In 2019, Abiy received the Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts to achieve peace with Eritrea. There was, however, a small complication that the photographs could not capture. Eritrea had not suddenly fallen in love with Ethiopia. Its government had a longstanding enemy in the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, or TPLF, which had dominated Ethiopian politics for years and had fought Eritrea in the past. For Isaias, weakening the TPLF was a strategic objective, not an exercise in neighbourly affection. So when war erupted in Tigray in 2020, Eritrean troops crossed into Ethiopia and fought alongside Abiy’s forces against the TPLF. The former enemies had found a common enemy, which was the most reliable foundation for their alliance. Unfortunately, common enemies do not always make permanent friends; they had simply postponed their own argument. In November 2022, Ethiopia’s federal government and the TPLF signed the Pretoria peace agreement, bringing the devastating Tigray War toward an end. The agreement called for the TPLF to disarm and provided a framework for restoring government authority and rebuilding the region. But it did not simply erase the TPLF from Ethiopian politics, nor did it resolve every grievance that had fuelled the war. For Eritrea, matters were even more uncomfortable. After fighting alongside Abiy to defeat the TPLF, Isaias watched Ethiopia negotiate peace with the very organisation Eritrea had spent years trying to destroy. Eritrea was not a party to the Pretoria negotiations. From Asmara’s perspective, Abiy had effectively made peace with an enemy they had fought together without giving Eritrea a seat at the table. Meanwhile, the agreement between Addis Ababa and the TPLF was struggling to deliver the political settlement required for lasting peace. Disputes over power, territory, security, and the implementation of the agreement remained unresolved. This peace agreement stopped people from shooting at each other, but it did not automatically make them trust each other, forgive each other, or agree on who should control what. By 2026, those unresolved tensions were once again threatening to turn political confrontation into open warfare. On September 23, 2026, TPLF fighters moved towards Mekele, the capital of Ethiopia’s Tigray region, and seized its airport. Within days, fighting had spread into Afar and Amhara, and explosions reportedly rocked Addis Ababa as drones targeted the capital. The Ethiopian government rushed troops north to contain the advance. It would eventually retake Mekele, but the crisis had already grown beyond a domestic rebellion. Ethiopia was once again fighting itself. Eritrea, Egypt, and Sudan were being drawn into the confrontation through a complicated web of rivalries, alleged weapons supplies, and shifting alliances. On October 1, Ethiopia expelled ten Eritrean diplomats and closed its embassy in Asmara. Eritrea responded by severing official ties, while Egypt and Ethiopia expelled each other’s diplomats. Sudan denied taking sides, but Ethiopia’s army chief accused Sudan and Egypt of arming its enemies. This was happening barely four years after Ethiopia’s last Tigray War, which the African Union has estimated killed about 600,000 people. The renewed fighting gave the TPLF an opportunity to reorganise and seek allies beyond Tigray. It joined forces with six other armed groups under an alliance described as the Alliance for Survival.1/2 For best history and Investigative stories follow @timothyturunga

Those with numbers plates. Share with details. With that we shall know the owners and act on them. But the operation Ganyegenya/ DMC sugarcane trucks will soon be extended to the sugarcane belt.

Thank you for this feedback. I had personally witnessed a similar accident on Kayunga road. The @MoWT_Uganda will embark on inspecting these sugarcane trucks when the operation moves out of Greater Kampala Metropolitan. For now, name and shame by including the number plate

Ugandans are really too much😹😹🙌