Over the last two days I went on Fox News and Newsmax to warn Americans about what's happening in France. Today, the images speak for themselves. October 17, 2026. In Marseille, France's second-largest city, a mob smashed through the doors of City Hall and stormed the lobby chanting "It's the revolution, we're taking the Bastille." Shortly before, rioters had trashed a municipal police station, breaking windows and throwing smoke bombs inside. Shops on the main avenue were vandalized and barricades were set on fire. In Paris, masked black bloc crews fired mortar fireworks at police at Place de la République while tear gas filled the square. There were 166 arrests nationwide by midday and more than 600 protests across the country, after weeks of blockaded high schools. The Yellow Vests are back. Now here's what every American needs to understand. What are these people demanding? More: higher wages, higher pensions, more public spending, more state. That's in a country where the government already spends more than half of everything the economy produces. This isn't an accident. It's where 45 years of socialism lead. Since 1981, left or right, every French government has grown the state. Macron is just the final, most polished version of the same system. Socialism doesn't create prosperity. It creates dependency. When people rely on the state for everything, every disappointment turns into anger at the state. And the state cannot allocate capital. It doesn't risk its own money, and it never goes bankrupt when it's wrong. It just borrows more and taxes more. Productivity stalls, wages stagnate and prices rise. Then people take to the streets demanding even more state. The loop feeds itself until it breaks. America, watch closely. If the Democrats fully embrace socialism, this is the trailer for what comes next. History is accelerating. It took France decades to get here. It won't take you nearly as long. Vote for less government, never more.

Tonight, France burned. America, you should be watching very carefully. Today, October 17, 2026, more than half a million people marched across France against the cost of living. By 8pm, around 400 had been arrested. In Paris, police turned water cannons on the crowds at Place de la République, and one march was stopped 150 meters from the Élysée Palace. Of the 195 people arrested in the capital by the afternoon, only one actually lived in Paris. Mobs forced their way into the city halls of Marseille and Lille. In Lyon, a tourism office was set on fire. In Rennes, barricades burned. Near Limoges, a highway was blocked and police cars were torched. And then came Limoges. A crowd of very young people stormed the city hall, a protected historic monument built in the 1880s. They flipped police cars in front of it and set them ablaze, then set the building itself on fire. The flames took the roof, the wedding hall, and the civil registry, the office that records every birth, every marriage, every death in the city. Tonight, the bell tower that has crowned Limoges for nearly 150 years collapsed. The mayor's response: "It's a monument that is burning, not the Republic." That is the problem in one sentence. Our leaders still think words can put out fires. None of this came out of nowhere. For twenty years, the French political class has excused everything. Every riot was "anger." Every burned car was a "social symptom." Every attack on police was "a reaction to provocation." And the hard left, La France Insoumise, which officially backed today's mobilization, built its electoral machine on an alliance with political Islamism: refusing to condemn, refusing to name, trading secularism and public order for votes. In France we have a word for it. Islamo-gauchisme. Islamo-leftism. Tonight you saw where that culture of excuse ends. A country where a mob can burn down a town hall, and the state arrives after the roof has already fallen in. My dear American friends, I say this with love, as someone who has lived among you and owes you a great deal: your midterms are on November 3rd. And the same alliance is growing inside your Democratic Party. The same far-left wing that treats disorder as protest and police as the enemy. The same activists who refuse to draw a line between legitimate dissent and those who openly despise the West. The same politicians who think tolerance means tolerating everything, including the people who want to burn it down. It always starts with excuses. Then comes impunity. Then come the flames. Same causes, same effects. If you create the conditions we created, you will get exactly what we got tonight. France was the country of the Enlightenment, of cathedrals and town halls that stood for centuries. Tonight, one of them collapsed live on social media while the government called for calm. My dear American friends, the only advantage you have over us is that you've been warned. Vote like your city hall depends on it. Because one day, it will.

To every American, and to everyone watching France burn from abroad: Do not blame the French people for this. We never asked for it. We never voted for it. And the one time we were clearly asked, we said no. Here are the numbers your media won't show you. 70% of the French say there are too many immigrants in France today. 79% want a tougher immigration policy. 77% disapprove of the government's record on immigration. 83% want foreign criminals and long-term unemployed foreigners sent home. And no, it's not just the old. 69% of French 18 to 24 year olds support suspending legal immigration for three years. This is not a fringe. This is the French people. In 2005, we were asked if we wanted the European Constitution. 55% voted no. Three years later, our politicians passed the same text under another name, through parliament, without ever asking us again. That is modern France in one sentence. The people say no. The elites do it anyway. So who is responsible? The politicians who lied to us. A class of leaders formed in the same schools, the same forums, the same networks, loyal to each other before they are loyal to their nations. In 2017, at Harvard, Klaus Schwab, founder of the World Economic Forum, bragged about his Young Global Leaders program in four words: "We penetrate the cabinets." He added that it was true in France. Emmanuel Macron was one of his Young Global Leaders. It's the same project in Brussels with Ursula von der Leyen and in Paris with Macron. Borders treated as an obstacle. Nations treated as relics. The people treated as a problem to be managed. What you are watching in France is not the French people failing. It is the end of the globalist project, an abject, quasi-communist dream of a world run by unelected planners. It is collapsing everywhere in Europe at once, and the West has to cut this cancer out before it takes the rest of the body with it. The peoples of Europe don't want this. They never did. So when you see our town halls burning, don't say "the French chose this." The French never chose this. They were forced into it. If you're French and you agree, repost this so the world hears it from us. If you're American, look at us carefully. Then choose differently on November 3rd.

Today I'm going to explain why socialism can never work, even if you're 8 years old. Not with statistics. Not with the body count, even though it runs into the tens of millions. With a school playground and a bag of marbles. By the end, you'll understand what Mises, Hayek and the whole Austrian School proved more than a hundred years ago, and what the Soviet Union then spent seventy years confirming. Picture a schoolyard. Thirty kids. Marbles. There are clay marbles, glass marbles, agates, big shooters, and a few cat's eyes that everybody fights over. Nobody ever decided what a shooter is worth. And yet every kid knows: a shooter is worth about five glass marbles. An agate, three. A clay marble, almost nothing. Who set those prices? Nobody. They appeared on their own, through trading. Every trade is a kid saying: "I want that thing more than what I've got in my hand." Thousands of little trades like that end up creating a "marble exchange rate" that everyone knows, even though nobody ever wrote it down anywhere. And that rate is alive. A new kid shows up in September and he's crazy about agates? The price of agates goes up. The other kids notice, and that night they dig through their drawers at home to bring more in. Nobody asked them to. The price told them. Keep that in mind. That's the whole story. Now a new teacher arrives. She's kind. She means well. And she finds it deeply unfair that Kevin has 200 marbles while Lily has 3. So she collects every marble in the playground and announces: "From now on, I manage the marbles. I'll distribute them fairly, for the good of everyone." On paper, it's beautiful. Watch what happens. First problem: she doesn't know who wants what. Lily loves blue marbles. Tom doesn't care about marbles at all, he just wants to play soccer. Emma has collected cat's eyes since kindergarten. None of this is written down anywhere. It lives in the heads of thirty kids, and often the kids themselves only discover it at the moment someone offers them a trade. So the teacher distributes "fairly." And everyone ends up with marbles they don't want. Second problem: nobody knows what anything is worth anymore. Before, the exchange rate would have told her that cat's eyes were rare and precious. Now that trading is banned, there is no rate. She's blind. How many agates should she order for next year? How many shooters? No idea. She guesses. She guesses wrong. Next year there are crates of clay marbles nobody wants and not a single cat's eye. Third problem: nobody makes an effort anymore. Why bring marbles from home if they end up in the big common bag? Why take care of them if they're not really yours? After a month, there are fewer marbles in the playground than on day one. Fourth problem, the most important one: the kids start trading again. In secret. Behind the gym. Because Lily still wants her blue marbles, and Tom would happily hand his over for half a cookie. Trading is natural. You can ban it, but you can't stop people from wanting things. So the teacher has to choose. Either she lets it happen and her system collapses. Or she starts watching. She searches pockets. She hands out punishments. She appoints "monitors" whose job is to report anyone caught trading. She hasn't turned evil. She simply has no choice anymore. The plan cannot survive without coercion. And guess who ends up with the nicest marbles? Not Lily. Not Emma. The monitors. The kids who are close to the teacher. That's it. You now understand socialism. Now replace the playground with a country. The thirty kids with hundreds of millions of people. The marbles with millions of different products: steel, wheat, bolts, medicine, size 10 shoes. And the teacher with a planning bureau in Moscow. That is exactly what the Soviet Union was. The bureau was called Gosplan. What I just told you isn't a hunch. It's a handful of the strongest arguments in the history of economic thought. Carl Menger, 1871, founder of the Austrian School: value isn't in the object. It's in the head of the person who wants it. A shooter has no "objective" value. It's worth whatever a kid is willing to give up to get it. Sounds obvious, but it undercuts the foundation of Marxism, which claims value comes from the amount of labor that went into something. Eugen von Böhm-Bawerk, another Austrian, took Marx apart on exactly this point back in 1896. Ludwig von Mises, 1920: that's the second problem, calculation. In an essay called "Economic Calculation in the Socialist Commonwealth," he shows that if the state owns all the means of production, there's no market for factories, machines or raw materials. So no prices for them. So no way to know whether it's smarter to put that steel into railroads, tractors or bridges. Without prices, the planner isn't evil. He's blind. Mises wrote this just three years after the Russian Revolution. Friedrich Hayek, 1945: that's the first problem, knowledge. In "The Use of Knowledge in Society," he explains that the information that runs an economy doesn't exist in any one place. It's scattered across millions of heads: the baker who knows his oven runs cold, the farmer who can feel the rain coming, the truck driver who knows the shortcut. No bureau can collect all of that. His example is brilliant. A source of tin dries up somewhere in the world. The price of tin rises. And everywhere, millions of people start using less tin, without knowing why, without anyone explaining anything to them. The price carried the information to the entire planet. Hayek compares the price system to a telecommunications system. The price is the marble exchange rate. Hayek again, 1944, "The Road to Serfdom": that's the fourth problem, coercion. A central plan requires the plans of millions of people to be subordinated to a single one. And since people don't go along willingly, they have to be forced. One chapter of the book is titled "Why the Worst Get on Top": in a system where power decides everything, the people who love power most end up winning. The playground monitors. Which is exactly what Solzhenitsyn said: socialism cannot be implemented without the aid of coercion. It's not an accident along the way. It's mechanical. It's not that bad people took over a good system. It's that the system needs force to hold together. The Soviets themselves joked about it. An old joke goes like this: a nail factory is given a quota in number of nails, so it produces millions of tiny, useless nails. Gosplan switches the quota to weight, and the factory produces a single one-ton nail. It's a joke, but it's also the calculation problem summed up in two sentences. Now you're going to tell me: "Sure, but it's 2026. We have AI. A supercomputer can do the teacher's job." That's the fashionable argument, and it misses the point entirely. The problem was never computing power. The problem is that the information doesn't exist before the trade. Lily herself didn't know how much she cared about blue marbles until someone offered to swap. Preferences change every day. People lie to the planner to get more. And above all, no algorithm can plan for what hasn't been invented yet. Gosplan would never have ordered the iPhone. And no, Sweden and Denmark are not counterexamples. They're market economies, with private property, free prices and companies that go bankrupt, plus a big welfare state on top. You can debate the right level of taxes. But that's not the socialism Mises and Hayek were talking about: the state owning and planning production. So, for the 8-year-old, here's the summary. Nobody knows better than you what you want. Prices are how millions of people talk to each other without ever meeting. Get rid of prices and everyone goes deaf and blind. And when people refuse to follow the plan, there's only one option left: force them. And for the 80-year-old grandpa who remembers the Berlin Wall, I don't even need to explain. He saw both sides. Socialism doesn't fail because it was badly implemented. It fails because it asks one brain to do the work of millions of brains. And when it fails, all it has left is force.