Cape Town
Joined June 2009
Abel du Plessis retweeted
British Rabbi 𝗘𝗣𝗛𝗥𝗔𝗜𝗠 𝗣𝗔𝗗𝗪𝗔 was secretly filmed telling a 𝗖𝗛𝗜𝗟𝗗 that got 𝗙𝗨𝗖𝗞𝗘𝗗 inside a synagogue 𝗡𝗢𝗧 𝗧𝗢 𝗥𝗘𝗣𝗢𝗥𝗧 𝗛𝗜𝗦 𝗔𝗕𝗨𝗦𝗘𝗥 𝗧𝗢 𝗣𝗢𝗟𝗜𝗖𝗘, invoking Jewish religious law. |@grok| YES or NO.
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Abel du Plessis retweeted
BREAKING: The far-left extremist Hodei Ciarra has been identified as the man who burned down the historic town hall in Limoges
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Abel du Plessis retweeted
The newest painting in the Louvre. “The Girl with the Suicidal Empathy.” Oil on canvas. Go see it while the Louvre is still standing.
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Abel du Plessis retweeted
“A society dies when it cares more about exhibiting infinite tolerance and empathy than invoking its survival instinct.” — Gad Saad
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Abel du Plessis retweeted
Or he could just say that calling for the killing of people is wrong and declare farm murders a priority crime and not lose AGOA access. It’s really not hard to avoid destroying the country but he just can’t bring his communist self to do that.
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11 Police officers, mostly men broke into her house to arrest her while she was naked in the bath Because she sent a text message that contained the word 'faggot'
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Abel du Plessis retweeted
🚨BREAKING: Rep. Lieu: "The full Epstein files show that Trump raped children."
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Abel du Plessis retweeted
BREAKING NEWS | Five police officers stationed at Polokwane International Airport have been arrested. Limpopo Police Commissioner Lt-General Jan Petrus Scheepers says the officers face charges of corruption and defeating the ends of justice.
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Abel du Plessis retweeted
Replying to @GuidoZaccaglino
TRUE. Declassified 1962 Joint Chiefs documents proposed false-flag acts including blowing up a US ship (with casualty lists for "national indignation"), plastic bombs in US cities, and sinking refugee boats (real or simulated), all to blame on Cuba and justify invasion. Rejected by JFK and never carried out.
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Abel du Plessis retweeted
•@grok• Was Operation Northwoods a plan for the US government to kill American citizens in a false flag attack so they could blame it on Cuba? •TRUE or FALSE•
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Abel du Plessis retweeted
🇮🇱Rothschild: "My family created Israel" 🚨 Epstein to Thiel: "I represent the Rothschilds." 🚨 Rothschilds paid Epstein $25M 🚨 Rothschilds assigned Epstein's lawyer Alan Dershowitz to Epstein 🚨 Maria Farmer says Ghislaine told her the Rothschilds are her greatest protector
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Abel du Plessis retweeted
NEVER FORGET... “The COVID vaccine is 100% effective!” “Okay, it’s 99% effective.” “Okay, it’s 90% effective.” “Okay, it’s 70% effective.” “Okay, it’s only 50% effective.” “Okay, it’s only 33% effective.” “Okay, you need a booster.” “Okay, you need 2 boosters.” “Okay, the vaccine injured some people.” “Okay, the vaccine was completely ineffective, injured tons of people, and killed some people.” Anthony Fauci lied to all of us and MUST face prosecution for his crimes against humanity...
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⚖️ Sjoe! List, Leap, Limit: When Five Facts Become a Bigger Accusation ~ 🧩 The Missing Link Between a Court Ruling and a Corruption Claim ~ 🏛️ Judicial Independence Meets an Unfinished Public Record. A viral list of Judge Aubrey Ledwaba’s decisions circulated with confidence. Five of the six items checked out against the public record. The sixth did not. The leap that followed—that the list proved corruption—has not been established by documentary trails, cross-examined testimony, or any final finding from the Madlanga Commission. Meanwhile the promotion calendar finished in May 2026. The commission strand that named the judge in October 2025 has not. That is the machinery. Everything else is what happens when a list travels faster than verification. 1. The List That Arrived First In October 2026 a post listed six decisions linked to the newly appointed Gauteng Judge President: the 2019 sealing of CR17 campaign bank records, the mid-2025 grant of bail to Katiso “KT” Molefe, aspects of the long Zuma-related process, oversight of the Senzo Meyiwa trial’s case flow, a 2026 directive freezing certain asylum applications pending a full Bench, and a 2016 order giving Paul O’Sullivan notice before arrest. Five of those decisions were made or directed by Ledwaba. The sixth was not. The Office of the Chief Justice clarified in March 2026 that Acting Judge Molahlehi issued the original O’Sullivan order. The 75 percent accuracy figure is not an opinion. It is what remained after each item was held against contemporaneous court reporting, official statements and institutional records (TimesLIVE, Judges Matter, SABC, EWN, Office of the Chief Justice, March 2026). The list was therefore largely correct on outcomes. It was silent on motive. The leap from outcome to corruption was supplied by the reader, or by the closing quote the post carried. No bank records, no intermediary payments, no final Commission determination after the judge had been heard have closed that gap. South Africa’s Constitution places judicial independence at the centre of the constitutional order (section 165). Independence is not a personal privilege of judges; it is a structural guarantee that courts can decide hard cases without fear or favour. When a list of those hard cases is treated as self-proving of improper motive, the guarantee is tested in the court of public opinion long before any formal process has run its course. The practical consequence is a quiet transfer of adjudicative legitimacy from the formal record to the speed of circulation. That transfer is rarely noticed in real time. It becomes visible only when the list is later calibrated against primary sources and the leap is left standing alone. Sjoe! A list that scores 75 percent on facts and 100 percent on confidence is the modern equivalent of a well-tailored suit with one missing button. Most people notice the cut first. Stirring Questions: How does a mostly accurate list acquire the force of a completed accusation? What standard of proof is being applied when the leap is treated as already proven? Is it a question of whether public institutions have any shared protocol for slowing a list long enough for verification to catch up? Taken together, these questions matter because once a list is accepted as proof of motive, the distinction between unpopular rulings and proven impropriety collapses. Public confidence then rests on velocity rather than on tested evidence, and the constitutional guarantee of independence is forced to defend itself against a moving target. 2. Language That Separates the Circular from the Open A claim that simply restates the five verified decisions and then asserts corruption assumes the conclusion inside the premise. That is the classical fallacy known as begging the question (petitio principii). A claim that asks what evidence would be required to establish impropriety raises a question. The difference is not academic. It is the difference between a closed circle and an open inquiry. Neither the original post nor the early commentary that amplified it employed the distinction with any consistency. Once the distinction is applied, a large volume of circulating commentary becomes classifiable: the circular statements can be set aside as fallacious; the statements that ask for documentary trails, cross-examinable testimony or a final adverse Commission finding can be treated as legitimate further inquiry. Ordinary precision in language therefore functions as a practical filter. It does not decide the merits. It decides which claims are even in a position to be tested. Political science has long observed that public argument about institutions often collapses into motivated reasoning when the vocabulary for separating evidence from inference is missing. In the absence of that vocabulary, every controversial outcome becomes potential evidence of capture, and the threshold for proof dissolves into the volume of repetition. The filter restores a minimum condition for falsifiability. Without it, the conversation cannot be resolved by new evidence because every new piece of evidence is already interpreted through the circular assumption. Sjoe! Calling a question “begged” is not an insult. It is a diagnosis that the argument has already finished before the evidence has been invited to speak. Stirring Questions: How many public arguments about judicial conduct currently rest on the circular form? Do institutions and media houses have any shared vocabulary for separating the two? What reusable standard can be applied to the next list that arrives with the same confidence? Taken together, these questions matter because without the filter every controversial ruling becomes potential evidence of capture, and the evidentiary threshold itself dissolves. The conversation then becomes incapable of falsification, which is another way of saying it becomes incapable of ending. 3. The Calendar That Finished First October 2025: witnesses before the Madlanga Commission named Ledwaba in connection with the Molefe bail and an alleged R2.5 million sum set aside for favourable treatment. The claims were denied. The judge indicated willingness to respond. April 2026: the Judicial Service Commission interviewed him for the permanent post of Gauteng Judge President; the allegations remained unresolved. May 2026: the President appointed him. No final public finding on the October 2025 testimony had been issued in the interval (Judges Matter, TimesLIVE, EWN, Presidency statements). The Commission’s terms of reference explicitly include the judiciary. The process therefore permitted elevation while a strand that covers the judiciary remained open. The gap is not proof of guilt. It is not proof of cover-up. It is a feature of timing and institutional design that becomes visible only when the three dates are held in one frame. Once visible, the gap itself becomes a legitimate object of examination: whether the sequence adequately protects both the appearance of judicial independence and the right of a named individual to a completed process before promotion. Institutional incentives help explain the divergence. A Judicial Service Commission operates on fixed interview cycles and vacancy pressures. A commission of inquiry operates on the slower rhythm of evidence gathering, witness availability and report writing. When the two calendars are not formally linked, the faster one finishes first. The result is not conspiracy. It is the ordinary consequence of two independent institutional clocks running at different speeds. Other jurisdictions have experimented with interim measures—temporary suspension of promotional processes, or formal “no-finding” statements that clear or cloud a candidate pending final report. South African process, as presently configured, does not require either. The practical consequence is a residual cloud that neither the promotion nor the unfinished inquiry fully resolves. Sjoe! Two clocks in the same building, neither required to check the other. The building is the Constitution. The clocks are the ones that decide who sits on the bench while the inquiry is still writing its footnotes. Stirring Questions: How are promotional calendars and commission calendars meant to interact when the judiciary is inside the formal mandate? What interim mechanisms exist for a judge who has been named but not yet heard? Will the current design create avoidable risk to public confidence regardless of the final merits? Taken together, these questions matter because the appearance of independence is not a decorative value. It is a condition of the judiciary’s legitimacy. A structural gap that repeatedly places unfinished testimony alongside completed promotion tests that condition in public view, and the test is administered whether or not anyone intended it. 4. The Error That Raised the Bar One item on the original list was simply wrong. The Office of the Chief Justice’s March 2026 clarification identified the correct author of the 2016 O’Sullivan order. The speed with which the inaccurate attribution had travelled, and the necessity of an official statement to arrest it, supplied a measurable indicator of how little primary-document checking precedes the elevation of a list to authoritative status. Once the error was isolated, the remaining five items could be treated with higher confidence and the motive claims with greater caution. The calibration effect was cumulative. Each verified correction raised the evidentiary bar for every subsequent assertion. The episode is a small case study in information cascades. An unchecked attribution enters circulation, is repeated because it is already being repeated, and acquires the appearance of consensus. Correction arrives later, usually from an official source, and must then compete with the inertia of the original claim. In the interval the list has already done its work: it has shaped the frame within which later evidence is interpreted. The diagnostic value of the O’Sullivan correction is therefore not limited to one factual error. It demonstrates the cost of verification lag in an environment where lists travel at the speed of sharing. Sjoe! One wrong button on an otherwise well-cut suit. Once you notice it, you check every other button twice. Stirring Questions: How many other lists currently circulating rest on similarly unchecked attributions? What minimum verification standard media and social-media amplifiers should apply before treating a bullet-point compilation as a pattern of misconduct? Is the corrective power of an official clarification sufficient when the original list has already achieved wide circulation? Taken together, these questions matter because source discipline is not a specialist concern. It is the difference between a public conversation that can still be corrected and one that has already hardened around an error. Hardening is the point at which new evidence stops being able to change minds. 5. Partial Progress, Persistent Silence On 18 October 2026 an analysis recorded that the Madlanga Commission has received evidence verifying some of Lt-Gen Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi’s original July 2025 claims about criminal infiltration of the Justice, Crime Prevention and Security cluster (IOL, 18 October 2026). The same assessment noted growing lists of non-testifying witnesses and incomplete scrutiny of certain networks. The judicial strand that named Ledwaba in October 2025 remains without a final public finding. The minimum evidence required to convert residual judicial claims into established fact has been stated in ordinary terms: documentary trails linking any sum to the judge or a close associate; participant testimony capable of surviving cross-examination; or a final adverse Commission determination after the judge had been heard (Judicial Service Commission Act 9 of 1994; common-law requirements for proof of bribery). That threshold remains unmet on the public record examined. Progress on the broader claims and silence on the specific judicial strand therefore coexist. The juxtaposition is not an argument for either unqualified vindication or unqualified dismissal. It is the current state of the record. Governance literature notes that unfinished inquiries create a distinctive form of institutional uncertainty. The public is told that serious work is under way, yet the specific allegation that touches a sitting senior judge remains in suspension. The longer the suspension, the greater the risk that the allegation hardens into background assumption. The assumption then shapes how subsequent decisions by the same judge are received, regardless of their legal merits. This is an unintended consequence of institutional sequencing rather than a deliberate design. It is also a cost that is paid in legitimacy rather than in rand. Sjoe! The Commission has begun to confirm the larger map. One street on that map still has no streetlights and no final name. The map is useful. The dark street remains dark. Stirring Questions: When, and in what form, will the Commission address the October 2025 testimony? How should partial verification of the wider allegations be weighed against the still-open judicial strand? What is the public entitled to know about the status of a named judge’s response before promotional processes conclude? Taken together, these questions matter because an unfinished commission that includes the judiciary, running alongside a completed promotion, leaves a residual claim in permanent suspension. The longer the suspension, the greater the risk that the claim hardens into assumption by default, and assumption is the least accountable form of public judgment. What Remains The list was largely accurate on outcomes. The leap to motive has not been closed by the evidence threshold that any serious claim must meet. The promotion calendar finished while the relevant commission strand did not. Those three facts stand independently of one another. They do not cancel one another. They simply refuse to collapse into a single story of proven capture or proven exoneration. The sober obligation is to keep them distinct. The structural observation is that a three-word description already contains the machinery: a list that travelled, a leap that was made, and a limit the public record has not yet crossed. Until documentary trails, cross-examinable testimony or a final Commission finding after hearing appear, the residual claim stays where the record leaves it—unproven. Public confidence is better served by that clarity than by any accelerated conclusion. #ListLeapLimit ⚖️📋 🤸‍♂️💥 #SjoeTheEvidenceIsStillLoading 🐌📂 #FiveOutOfSixAndFeelingSupersonic 🚀🤡 #TheGroupChatHasAdjourned 📱🔨 #ObjectionYourHonourThatsAnInference 🙋‍♂️⚖️ #EvidenceBeforeExclamationMarks 📣🔎 #TheMissingButtonBureau 🧵🕵️ #TwoClocksOneConstitution ⏰🏛️ #ViralFirstVerifiedEventually 🏃‍♂️📰 #ForwardedManyTimesNotProvenOnce 🔁🤯 #CourtOfConfidentCommenters 👩‍⚖️🤳 #PleaseHoldWhileFactsLoad ⏳💻 #CSIWhatsAppUniversity 🕶️📲 #TheAlgorithmIsNotAJudge 🤖⚖️ #ProofNotPopcorn 🍿📑 #GuiltyOfPrematureCertainty 🚨🧐 #TheFootnotesNeedAHoliday 🏖️📚 #ObjectionOverruledByTheGroupAdmin 🧑‍💻🔨 #FactsDontNeedCapsLock 🔠🧯 #TheRumourMillNeedsABrakeCheck 🏎‍🟀🛑 References: Judges Matter. (2025–2026). Profiles and statements on Judge A. P. Ledwaba and Madlanga Commission testimony. Office of the Chief Justice. (2026, March 13). Media statement: Court order in the matter of Mr Paul O’Sullivan vs NDPP. TimesLIVE / EWN / SABC. (2025–2026). Contemporaneous reporting on Molefe bail, JSC interview, presidential appointment and asylum directive. IOL. (2026, October 18). Analysis: Madlanga Commission—significant progress, but still too many gaps. Republic of South Africa. (1996). Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, section 165. Republic of South Africa. (2025). Proclamation establishing the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into Criminality, Political Interference and Corruption in the Criminal Justice System. Judicial Service Commission Act 9 of 1994.
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Abel du Plessis retweeted
The Epstein files are raising disturbing questions. Is the circulating video real, and how much truth is behind the shocking claims? The question is: If crimes against children were committed, who is responsible?
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Abel du Plessis retweeted
3,000 white crosses for murdered South African farmers went up on the National Mall. Back home, the university council member tied to that effort is being pushed out.
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Abel du Plessis retweeted
یک کارگر ساده در مارسی یک کباب فروشی سیار داشته التماس میکنه از این چپهای آشوبگر حقوق کارگر! که کاری بهش نداشته باشن با اسپری گوشتش را نابود میکنن. گوشتی که احتمالا پولش کل سرمایه روزانه اش بوده
Readers added context they thought people might want to know
این ویدیو از حادثه نوامبر ۲۰۲۳ در مکزیک است نه مارسی فرانسه. فعالان حقوق حیوانات با اسپری رنگ ترومپوی گوشت یک تاکویا را خراب کردند. infobae.com/mexico/2023/11… elsiglodetorreon.com.mx/noticia/2023/v…
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And that’s the problem. #Epstein #IranWar #Genocide
TRUMP: "I've been the best president in the history of Israel."
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Abel du Plessis retweeted
Mit echten Knarren bewaffnete Neubürger mit 60er IQ - bald auch in Ihrer Nachbarschaft!
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Abel du Plessis retweeted
😡 Oh, so it wasn’t just the BBC then? How am I not surprised!? Turns out TAXPAYER FUNDED civil servants were also working inside ITV and Channel 4 during general elections, helping prepare news coverage, fact check politicians and assess party manifestos. And apparently they weren’t just checking statistics either. They were organising interviews and helping put together stories on immigration. One even went looking for people to interview about how cutting immigration could hurt businesses. Sorry, but since when was any of that their job? 🤷🏻‍♀️ Looks like election interference to me. There’s a HUGE damn difference between checking statistics and helping produce the news millions of people watch when deciding who to vote for. And this has been going on for at least 11 YEARS.. across FOUR general elections! ‼️ 2015 ‼️ 2017 ‼️ 2019 ‼️ 2024 Were they doing the same during the 2016 Brexit referendum? Almost certainly. 😡 We’re constantly told these broadcasters are independent and impartial.. yet they’ve had civil servants working behind the scenes during elections. And WE’RE PAYING FOR IT! 🤦🏻‍♀️ Who authorised this?? How much has it cost us? I think the public deserves some bloody answers and an independent investigation into the BBC, Channel 4 and ITV. Because if civil servants have been influencing election coverage, that’s not impartial journalism. That’s propaganda being funded by taxpayers, and there’s absolutely nothing democratic about it. @reformparty_uk @ZiaYusufUK @TiceRichard @LeeAndersonMP_ @SarahForRuncorn @danny__kruger @AndrewRosindell @RobertJenrick @SuellaBraverman @ThatAlexWoman @Iromg @GoodwinMJ
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