To every American reading this: in two weeks, on November 3, you're not voting for a party. You're voting on whether your elected government gets to stay legitimate. Read the thread below. According to the documents DataRepublican published, a network of former USAID and State Department officials has drafted red lines past which an elected federal government should be declared illegitimate, with governors as the alternative source of legitimacy and the street as the trigger. If that sounds new to you, it isn't. It's the oldest playbook in the communist tradition. Here is how they have always taken power. Russia, 1917. The Bolsheviks were a minority. They never won the country. What they built was "dual power": a parallel structure, the soviets, that claimed more legitimacy than the official government. Lenin wrote about it openly. When the moment came, they declared the government illegitimate and took over. When they then lost the Constituent Assembly election with roughly a quarter of the vote, they dissolved the Assembly after a single day. Hungary, 1945 to 1949. The Communists got about 17% of the vote. It didn't matter. They took the Interior Ministry and the police, and Rákosi cut the opposition away slice by slice. He called it "salami tactics." Four years later, one party. Czechoslovakia, February 1948. The Communists purge the police leadership. The democratic ministers resign in protest, expecting to force a crisis. Instead the Communists flood the streets with action committees and armed workers' militias, and the president gives in. Weeks later, foreign minister Jan Masaryk is found dead beneath his window. No tanks needed. Street pressure plus control of the institutions was enough. Cuba, 1959. Castro promised free elections and a restored constitution. The elections never came. China, 1957. Mao launches the Hundred Flowers campaign: speak freely, criticize the Party. Then comes the Anti-Rightist Campaign, and the people who spoke up are hunted down by the hundreds of thousands. In Cambodia, the Khmer Rouge went further. Being educated was enough to get you killed. Venezuela, 1998 onward. No coup at all. Chávez wins an election, rewrites the constitution, packs the Supreme Court, captures the media and the army. By the time people understood, there was nothing left to vote with. Then there's the Western version, the one Gramsci theorized: don't storm the palace, take the culture. Schools, universities, media, administration. What Rudi Dutschke later called "the long march through the institutions." The pattern is always the same. Build a parallel legitimacy. Capture the institutions that decide what is true and what is legal: police, courts, schools, press. Use the street as a weapon. Speak the language of "democracy" and "the people" the entire time. And once you're in, never leave. Now look at the West in 2026. Europe is largely there already. In the United States, the institutions lean overwhelmingly one way. In Syracuse University's survey of American journalists, only 3.4% called themselves Republicans. In the first study in 1971, that figure was 25.7%. Universities, the federal bureaucracy, the NGO world: same story. In every one of these revolutions, society splits into the same groups. The people who produce, the workers, farmers and entrepreneurs who learned from experience that collectivism doesn't work. The cynical collectivists who want to live off the work of others, the apparatchiks, a nomenklatura in waiting. And between them, a huge mass of sincere people convinced they're on the side of progress, who become the fuel of the machine. History is brutal on that last group. They are always among the first purged once the cynics win. Ask the Kronstadt sailors. Ask the Hundred Flowers intellectuals. America, you already knew this once. You had anti-communist laws. The Smith Act. The Communist Control Act of 1954, still technically on the books. I think it's time to clean up all your systems and launch a real hunt for collectivists. So this is the fight, and it will be decided in America. The US Constitution is the strongest firewall against concentrated power ever written. If it holds, the West holds. And Elon's project, free speech, energy, rockets, AI, is what can make Western civilization reborn, not just in America but across the entire West. Then we can finally do what history never had the courage to do: a Nuremberg of communism. Not revenge. A reckoning. The great moral and historical trial of an ideology that killed tens of millions of people and keeps coming back under new names. And after that comes the real project: a civilization that harnesses the full energy of its star, Kardashev Type II, and then its galaxy, Type III. November 3. Don't look away. Vote like it matters, because it does.

On my way to the office this morning, I passed a group of young people protesting, a Palestinian flag draped over their shoulders. And I asked myself a question I can't shake: why does this generation always fall into the same trap? No matter the history. No matter the context. Even the ones from wealthy families, who went to the best schools, who were dealt every good card. Always the same trap. I don't think it's stupidity. I think it's a mechanism. And a mechanism can be taken apart, piece by piece. A. The observation: everything the state touches becomes unaffordable. Look at economist Mark Perry's famous chart, the one people call "the chart of the century." It tracks US prices since 2000. At the top, what explodes: hospital services, college tuition, textbooks, childcare, housing. Increases of +100%, +150%, up to +250%, far above general inflation. At the bottom, what collapses: TVs, software, phones, toys, clothing. A TV today costs a fraction of what it did in 2000, for an infinitely better product. Look at what separates the two groups. It isn't technology. It isn't complexity. It's one variable: how much the state is involved. At the top, sectors that are subsidized, regulated, shielded from competition, where the state funds demand and blocks supply. At the bottom, sectors where companies fight every single morning to serve you better and cheaper. B. The mechanism: why it's systematic. When the state subsidizes demand without freeing supply, prices rise. Every time. Guaranteed student loans, and universities raise tuition. Housing aid plus blocked building permits, and rents skyrocket. Administered healthcare, and bureaucracy eats the budget before it ever reaches the patient. In France it's even more vicious, because the price doesn't disappear: it hides. You never see the hospital bill, you pay it through payroll contributions. You never see the cost of school, you pay it through taxes. Public spending at 57% of GDP, one of the heaviest tax burdens in the world, more than €3.4 trillion in debt. And the result? Overflowing ERs, falling PISA scores, young people who can't afford to live in the city where they work. The market didn't fail in these sectors. It was never allowed in. C. Suffering demands a culprit. A 22-year-old lives all of this in their bones. They can't find a place to live. Their degree either buries them in debt or opens no doors. The future feels blocked. That suffering is real, and I don't deny it for a second. But human beings can't stand suffering without a culprit. They need a face. A scapegoat. And this is where everything is decided: who taught them how to read the world? D. Whoever tells the story picks the villain. Schools are public. Universities are public. Culture runs on grants. Film goes through funding committees. Public broadcasting shapes the narratives. The people handing down the interpretive framework are, overwhelmingly, paid by the very system that creates the problem. Do you really think that system is going to name itself as the culprit? No. It names the capitalist. The boss. The landlord. "The rich." The multinational. The commercial West. Same role, same casting, every time. E. One lens, a thousand causes. And this brings me back to that flag. A generation taught to read every situation through a single lens, oppressor on one side, rich, Western, capitalist, oppressed on the other, will apply that lens everywhere. To housing. To climate. To conflicts on the other side of the world. The cause changes, the lens stays. That's why the trap is always the same: it's not the cause that draws them in, it's the way of thinking that was installed in them. F. The perfect inversion. Here's the irony. Capitalism is the force that drove down the price of almost everything it touched. The state is the force that blew up the price of almost everything it captured. And young people blame the first for the crimes of the second. It's like blaming the firefighter for the fire because you saw him at the scene. G. The ballot box confirms it. In the US, a few weeks out from the midterms, a large share of urban young voters is getting ready to vote Democrat for more state, more spending, more regulation. New York elected a self-described socialist mayor, carried by young voters, on promises of rent freezes and city-run grocery stores. Rent freezes, the policy that has made housing scarcer everywhere it's been tried. The cure that worsens the disease. In France, it's the same play in two acts. Part of the youth votes for the radical left, which promises more state. Another part votes for the center, which promises to "manage" the state well, and has dug the debt deeper than ever. Two different ballots, one shared assumption: the problem is the market, the solution is the state. H. The way out. These young people aren't stupid. They're right to be angry. They're just aiming at the wrong target. The day they understand that their rent, their tuition and their hospital are expensive precisely because the state runs them, their anger will change direction. They'll stop protesting against those who create. They'll start protesting against those who capture. That day, the greatest intellectual scam of our time will be over.

To every American, and to everyone watching France burn from abroad: Do not blame the French people for this. We never asked for it. We never voted for it. And the one time we were clearly asked, we said no. Here are the numbers your media won't show you. 70% of the French say there are too many immigrants in France today. 79% want a tougher immigration policy. 77% disapprove of the government's record on immigration. 83% want foreign criminals and long-term unemployed foreigners sent home. And no, it's not just the old. 69% of French 18 to 24 year olds support suspending legal immigration for three years. This is not a fringe. This is the French people. In 2005, we were asked if we wanted the European Constitution. 55% voted no. Three years later, our politicians passed the same text under another name, through parliament, without ever asking us again. That is modern France in one sentence. The people say no. The elites do it anyway. So who is responsible? The politicians who lied to us. A class of leaders formed in the same schools, the same forums, the same networks, loyal to each other before they are loyal to their nations. In 2017, at Harvard, Klaus Schwab, founder of the World Economic Forum, bragged about his Young Global Leaders program in four words: "We penetrate the cabinets." He added that it was true in France. Emmanuel Macron was one of his Young Global Leaders. It's the same project in Brussels with Ursula von der Leyen and in Paris with Macron. Borders treated as an obstacle. Nations treated as relics. The people treated as a problem to be managed. What you are watching in France is not the French people failing. It is the end of the globalist project, an abject, quasi-communist dream of a world run by unelected planners. It is collapsing everywhere in Europe at once, and the West has to cut this cancer out before it takes the rest of the body with it. The peoples of Europe don't want this. They never did. So when you see our town halls burning, don't say "the French chose this." The French never chose this. They were forced into it. If you're French and you agree, repost this so the world hears it from us. If you're American, look at us carefully. Then choose differently on November 3rd.

Democrats discovered billionaires in politics were a threat to democracy the exact day one stopped writing them checks. When Michael Bloomberg spent around $1 billion of his own money in the 2020 primary, then another $100M to help Biden in Florida, nobody called it an attack on democracy. When George Soros put $125M into a single Democratic super PAC and became the largest political donor of the 2022 cycle, it was "civic engagement." When Reid Hoffman, Dustin Moskovitz, JB Pritzker and Tom Steyer wrote eight- and nine-figure checks cycle after cycle, it was "saving democracy." When Bill Gates reportedly gave around $50M to a pro-Harris group in 2024, silence. In 2020, dark money groups spent over $500M backing Democrats, more than double what went to Republicans. In 2024, Kamala Harris raised more than $1 billion in under three months. Democrats outspent Republicans and lost. So the problem was never billionaires in politics. The problem is a billionaire who doesn't fund your side. And here's what nobody in DC wants to say out loud: old billionaire money is quiet money. It funds the foundations, NGOs, think tanks and consultants that make up the permanent establishment. It doesn't challenge the system. It is the system. It freezes the picture: same insiders, same incumbents, same experts, every single cycle. You can like or hate Musk's spending, but at least it's out in the open. If you really want money out of politics, start with your own party's donor list.