Comme une impression de « déjà vu »…..
The iconic 1979 photograph shows two left-wing Iranian students, identified in historical accounts as Sahar Mohammadi (left) and Maryam Rafiei (right), celebrating the victory of the Islamic Revolution while holding a portrait of Ayatollah Khomeini....
During Iran’s 1979 revolution, women joined millions of Iranians opposing the Shah. But the anger behind the revolution had been building for decades.
In 1953, after Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddegh nationalized Iran’s oil industry, British intelligence and the CIA helped orchestrate the operation that removed him and strengthened Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. The Shah then became one of Washington’s most important Cold War allies in the Middle East.
By 1979, opposition to the Shah united an unlikely coalition of Islamists, liberals, nationalists and leftists. Many also viewed the monarchy as a symbol of decades of American and British interference in Iran. They succeeded in removing the Shah, but their alliance quickly fractured. Ayatollah Khomeini and his supporters consolidated power, and many of the secular and left-wing groups that had participated in the revolution were eventually pushed aside.
Many left-leaning and secular students supported the revolution believing it would bring freedom and modernity, but the new theocratic regime quickly turned on its political allies, executing thousands of dissidents, including Maryam Rafiei.
The political affiliations of the women in this particular photograph are unclear, but the image captures the enormous optimism surrounding a revolution whose outcome many of its participants could not yet foresee. The photograph is often said to show Maryam Rafiei and Sahar Mohammadi. The identities are sometimes debated; history is not always careful with captions; but the symbolism attached to the image has become almost canonical. Two progressive students celebrating the revolution that toppled Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, smiling beneath a portrait of the man whose regime would eventually erase people just like them.
It is the smile that lingers.
In the winter of 1979, Tehran was briefly a city where incompatible dreams shared the same street. Marxists, liberal intellectuals, devout clerics, and student radicals marched together in opposition to the monarchy. For many on the left, the alliance with the Islamic movement was tactical, temporary; a revolutionary convergence that would eventually produce democracy. Instead, it produced the Islamic Republic. The same one that has now killed over 40,000 Iranian protestors this year within just 2 days and the body bags to show for it.
Within two years after the 1979 revolution, the new state had consolidated power under the doctrine of clerical rule. Leftist newspapers were banned, universities purged, political parties dismantled. The revolution began devouring those who had helped create it.
The viral story attached to the photograph says that Maryam Rafiei, was executed (beheaded) roughly a decade later during the 1988 Mass Executions of Iranian Political Prisoners. In that summer alone, thousands of prisoners, many of them secular leftists, were executed after brief interrogations inside Iranian prisons. Human rights groups estimate that between 4,000 and 5,000 people were killed in a matter of weeks.
The another woman Sahar Mohammadi, is often said to have fled Iran and now lives in exile in Sweden.
Whether every detail is perfectly documented matters less than the historical pattern the image evokes. The Iranian revolution did not merely defeat its enemies. It eliminated its allies.
#archaeohistories
Shirine Abdallah retweeted
لبنان مصنف كأفضل ثامن مناخ في العالم،
الشيء الوحيد الذي عجزت المافيوقراطية عن تدميره.
Shirine Abdallah retweeted
Lebanon: The Country the West Abandoned to Revolutionary Ideologies
Lebanon did not collapse in a single day. First came Arab nationalist leftism, carried by the Nasserist wave of the 1950s and 1960s. The crisis of 1958 was an early warning. President Camille Chamoun was not only facing internal opposition; he was facing a regional ideological machine empowered by Nasserism and encouraged by the hesitations of Western policy. Eisenhower’s America wanted stability, but not necessarily the survival of Lebanon’s delicate balance at any price.
Then came the Cairo Agreement of 1969, one of the most catastrophic turning points in modern Lebanese history. By allowing armed Palestinian organizations to operate from Lebanese territory, the Lebanese state surrendered part of its sovereignty. From that moment, Lebanon ceased to be a state in the full meaning of the word. It became an arena.
The explosion of 1975 was therefore not an accident. It was the result of years of ideological penetration, demographic pressure, armed parallel authorities, and the collapse of the state’s monopoly over violence. The Lebanese war was not simply a civil war between communities. It was also a regional war fought on Lebanese soil, in which Soviet expansionism, Arab nationalism, Palestinian militarization, Syrian ambition, Israeli reaction, and later Iranian revolutionary expansion all converged.
The Israeli invasion of 1982, despite its declared objective of removing the PLO military infrastructure, became another disaster for Lebanon. Israeli policy was rarely strategic in the full historical sense. It was mostly reactive: responding to attacks, correcting previous errors, and then creating larger ones. The invasion helped accelerate the collapse of Christian presence in large parts of Beirut, its suburbs, southern Mount Lebanon, the Chouf, Sidon, and eventually much of South Lebanon. What was presented as a military operation against armed organizations ended by deepening the dislocation of Lebanon’s Christians and destroying what remained of the old Lebanese equilibrium.
Then came the Syrian phase. Lebanon was handed over, in practice, to Hafez al-Assad. The West accepted Syrian tutelage as the price of regional order.
After the Syrian era came the Iranian era. The leftist Arab nationalist project was replaced by the Khomeinist revolutionary project. The vocabulary changed, but the mechanism remained the same: armed ideology above the state, regional loyalty above national sovereignty, and permanent war above economic life.
Europe did not extend a real hand to Lebanon because European policy remained trapped between two complexes: the left-wing sympathy for “resistance” movements and the post-colonial guilt that prevented it from defending endangered pluralism when the threat came under anti-Western slogans. For decades, European discourse celebrated Lebanon as a “message,” while refusing to confront the forces that were erasing that message on the ground.
The United States, for its part, never built a coherent Lebanon policy. The result was strategic abandonment disguised as pragmatism.
The tragedy of Lebanon is that it was not destroyed only by its enemies. It was also destroyed by the indifference of its supposed friends.
Today, what remains is not a romantic laboratory of coexistence, but a human tragedy: the decline of a thousand-year-old civilization, the disappearance of historic communities from their natural spaces, and the transformation of a once-open Mediterranean society into a battlefield for asian imported ideologies.
Lebanon was successively consumed by Nasserist leftism, Baathist authoritarianism, and Khomeinist militancy. Each came with a different flag. Each claimed to speak in the name of liberation. Each weakened the state, militarized society, and reduced Lebanon to a platform for other people’s wars.
The West still calls Lebanon a message. But a message that no one protects becomes a farewell letter.
Shirine Abdallah retweeted
🚩Abbas Ibrahim was not a “mediator.” He was not a “statesman.” He was a piece of infrastructure, built inside the Wilayat al-Faqih project, installed at the head of Lebanon’s General Security from 2011 to 2023, not to fortify a sovereign institution but to convert it into a service arm of Hezbollah and the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.
Al-Hurra’s investigation, published last week, opened the file. Inside General Security branches in zones under Hezbollah’s writ, a network was forging Lebanese passports for IRGC officers and Hezbollah commanders, using the identities of fighters killed in Syria whose deaths were never announced. At the same time, roughly 300,000 passports of the 2003 model sat in the vaults of Banque du Liban, undestroyed, in defiance of a 2016 directive, throughout his entire tenure. The Lebanese passport, in his hands, stopped being a sovereign document. It became a corridor, open, supervised, untraceable, for the Quds Force and everything underneath it.
The port file is the other half of the indictment. Two hundred and eighteen dead. Ibrahim has not stood before Judge Tarek Bitar. He has helped lead the campaign to dismantle him.
This is not the record of a public servant who made errors of judgment. This is the title of an era in which the Lebanese state was abducted from inside its own ministries. The man was elegant. The language was careful. The smile was professional. The function was singular: he was the door through which Iran walked into one of the few institutions Lebanon still had.
He was not, in any operational sense, the Director General of Lebanese Public Security. He was, on Lebanese soil, the Director General of Iranian security.
This is not a detail in a man’s biography. This is the biography of an era, written in tons of ammonium nitrate, in forged passports issued to dead men, and in the blood of two hundred and eighteen Lebanese whose killers he did not pull the trigger on, but whose path to the trigger he cleared from inside the state.
That makes him no less a criminal. It makes him the more dangerous kind.
Shirine Abdallah retweeted
في لبنان شعوبٌ مهزومة… لا تُهزم في معركة، بل تُهزم في المرآة كلّ صباح.
شعوبٌ باعت سيادتها في ١٩٥٨ للبكداشي عبد الناصر، ثم سلّمت مفاتيحها في ١٩٦٩ للقاهري محمد عبد الرؤوف الحسيني، قبل أن تتوارثها وصايات الأسد، ويختم عليها الخزي الثوري الإيراني بخاتم الذلّ والارتهان.
في لبنان شعوبٌ مهزومة… لها وطنٌ على الورق، وحدودٌ في الخرائط، ونشيدٌ في المدارس، لكن قلوبها معلّقة بجوازٍ ثانٍ، ومستقبلٍ في بلدٍ ثانٍ، وكرامةٍ مؤجّلة إلى حين الرحيل.
في لبنان شعوبٌ مهزومة… تتغنّى بالعزّة وهي في ذيل الأمم، ترفع شعارات الكرامة وقد صارت عنوان الإهانة، وتبكي على مجدٍ ضاع يوم استبدلت نور التنوير بظلام التخوين، وحكمة الحياة بعبادة الموت، وعنفوان الحرية بتقديس الذلّ.
في لبنان شعوبٌ مهزومة… ترى الأسود أبيض إن قيل لها، وتكفّر من يشهد بالحقيقة، وتخون من يجرؤ على تسمية الأشياء بأسمائها.
في لبنان شعوبٌ مهزومة… عقولها مكتوبة، وإرادتها مسلوبة، وإدراكها مصلوب على خشبة الوهم… فلا هي انتصرت، ولا هي اعترفت بالهزيمة.
Shirine Abdallah retweeted
افيخاي نزّل بوست انو ح يضربو الضاحية و طلب من جميع السكان إخلاء فوري و كتَب هيك شي (مش عم بمزح) :
🔸سكان أحياء برج البراجنة والحدث - يرجى التوجه شرقاً باتجاه جبل لبنان على محور بيروت-دمشق.
🔸سكان أحياء حارة حريك والشياح - يجب الانتقال شمالًا باتجاه طرابلس بمحور بيروت-طرابلس وشرقًا لجبل لبنان على اوتوستراد المتن السريع
(صارو عم يتدخّلو ب تنظيم السير و العجقة)
كان بعد ناقِص يضيف :
- ممنوع تاكلو كعك ابو عرب عالطريق - في بس ال moulin d’or و بسرعة .. منقوشة وحدي و عالسريع.
- ٤ أشخاص ب كل سيارة (ماكس) و بلا زمامير وبلا اغاني وديع الشيخ لأنُّن مش حلوين
بعتقد انو نحن ب لبنان عم منعيش أغرَب حرب بالعالم ..دايما كل شي كتير غريب ب لبنان.
بلد exotic مع شعب resilient
خلطة اخت محلوشي
Shirine Abdallah retweeted
In 1925, when Toufik Abdallah, born in Kfarmishki, returned from Canada to Lebanon in search of a bride, he did not expect to find himself caught up in the maelstrom of the West Bekaa. The full story is here, at Return of the Native, by @Shisheye
lebanesewithoutfrontiers.sub…
Shirine Abdallah retweeted
Bottom line: the #LAF does not want to confront #Hezbollah, and that’s also a political decision.
The lack of a timeline - with clear phases for implementation - gives the Shia duo a lot of leverage to prepare for elections and continue rebuilding their political and financial infrastructures. Disarmament needs to be done swiftly and effectively, by the end of the year. Otherwise, Lebanon would’ve exposed itself to another Israeli war.
mtv.com.lb/News/1608842
Delightful! 😬
مُثيرة للشفقة تلك السياسات الأميركية الغارقة في التسلّط والعنجهية وازدراء الشعوب، كما هو حال القائمين عليها.
وبونٌ شاسع يفصل بين نهجهم ونهجنا، تجلّى بوضوح في مشهدين متناقضين: الدكتور علي لاريجاني الذي ظهر على المنابر والشاشات اللبنانية بمناقشات اتسمت باللباقة والكياسة، مجيبًا بجرأة ورحابة صدر حتى على أكثر الأسئلة حِدّة؛ في مقابل الموفدين الأميركيين الذين ترى رجالهم يوجهون الاهانات والألفاظ النابية إلى الصحافيين، فيما تطلق نساؤهم تصريحات رخيصة تفتقر إلى الأدب، كاشفةً عن حقدٍ أعمى تجاه المناضلين الشرفاء في العالم.
Shirine Abdallah retweeted
Beirut's devastating blast has not shaken the ruling class's grip on Lebanon
Four years ago, on the deep causes of the port's blast and the illusory hopes that it created
theguardian.com/commentisfre…
ÉMISSION SPÉCIALE – 4 AOÛT: LA BLESSURE OUVERTE icibeyrouth.com/a1322018 via @IciBeyrouthnews
Ne la ratez pas - Don’t miss it!
Shirine Abdallah retweeted
🚨دواء السرطان المزوّر:
التوقيفات لموظفين بالميدل إيست شغالة@MEAAIRLIBAN ، على خلفية عمليات #التهريب في عنبر #الشحن في #المطار، وهناك جهات تمارس ضغوط على القضاء كي لا يتسرب الأمر للإعلام.
في سياق متصل أوقف جهاز امن الدولة مراقبة جمركية سابقة في صالون المطار ، لأسباب متصلة بملف تهريب #الفيلر_والبوتوكس في صالون #المطار .
بدّك يكون فيه نيّة!!!!! الله يحميها للقاضية الخازن!!! @AliNahar
This quoted post is unavailable.
Comment élit-on un pape? icibeyrouth.com/a1313760 via @IciBeyrouthnews
Shirine Abdallah retweeted
يرتبط اسم المملكة العربيّة السعوديّة بالطائف و الدستور سياسياً وليس بدعم طائفة على حساب اخرى
سنتحوّل جميعاً إلى إضرار جانبيّة collatéral damage
إذا فشلنا في قيام دولة للجميع رغم التحوّلات الإيجابيّة
#الدستور_اولاً






















