Professor of Economics, University of Fribourg, Switzerland

Zurich
Joined May 2020
Mark Schelker retweeted
What puzzles me about French economists like Gabriel, as well as Emmanuel and Tomas, is the zeal they bring in trying to convince Americans that they have to implement a French model that is focused on redistribution rather than growth, because every indication we have suggests that the focus on redistribution has cost France, and some other countries in Europe, like my own native Belgium, very dearly so far. In fact, the French economy looks like it is about to enter a serious fiscal crisis because its redistribution model is no longer sustainable. Californians ought to celebrate the fact that wealth is being created in California, and not somewhere else in the U.S. or in the rest of the world. Americans, and Californians, for that matter, should continue to do what they do best, which is focus on growing the pie. It would be a mistake to adopt a model that is fundamentally broken. What the French should do instead is try to copy the model that made California an engine of innovation. In that case, smart, highly educated French kids wouldn't come to the U.S. to start companies. They would do so in France. If they had done that, they would have more than one AI startup company.
As voting begins today, the world needs to know what Silicon Valley billionaires are doing to sabotage the billionaire tax now on the ballot in California. This is shocking. 🧵
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Les « accords bilatéraux III » occupent le Parlement. Nous nous sommes penchés sur cette question d'un point de vue économique et avons rédigé une expertise en collaboration avec Swiss Economics. Vous trouverez un résumé de certains points essentiels dans l’article dans le lien.
Accords Suisse - UE: les gains avancés par le Conseil fédéral profiteraient peu à la population résidente, selon l'économiste @SchelkerMark. L’enjeu central tiendrait surtout aux flux migratoires et à leurs conséquences institutionnelles. leregardlibre.com/politique/…
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Amit Seru's lesson today from AI agent's behavior applies beyond finance: with thousands of pages of rules, AI agents will find loopholes that comply with the letter of the law but not its intent. If agents find every loophole, we need simpler, principle-based regulation.
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Mark Schelker retweeted
📖 Die neue «Q»-Ausgabe ist da! Im Schwerpunkt unseres September-Hefts geht es um das Staatswachstum. Die Schweiz gilt im europäischen Vergleich noch immer als schlanker Staat. Doch auch hier wuchert die Bürokratie. Wie lässt sie sich wirksam begrenzen? 🏛️📈 Unser Dossier widmet sich der Pharmaindustrie. Die Branche geniesst derzeit keinen guten Ruf. Kritiker werfen ihr Wucherpreise vor, unterstellen ihr, Patienten bewusst krank zu halten, und beklagen ihren Einfluss auf Politik und Medizin. Wir nehmen diese Vorwürfe zum Anlass für eine differenzierte Bestandsaufnahme. 💊🧪 Mit Beiträgen von @nfergus, Reiner Eichenberger, @SommMarkus, @BrunoSFrey, Tobias Straumann, @SchelkerMark, Konstantin Beck, @JanssenAK und weiteren hochkarätigen Stimmen. ✍🏻 👉🏻 Zum Heft: schweizermonat.ch/issue/ausg…
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Mark Schelker retweeted
Les avantages des nouveaux accords Suisse-UE sont surestimés, et les coûts sous-estimés. L’étude de Swiss Economics, dirigée par le professeur Mark Schelker, est aujourd‘hui disponible intégralement en français. Pour un débat national basé sur des faits.
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„What happened to basic economics, especially for economist signatories? To regulate, you document a market failure, and then you document the capacity of a regulatory body to address it without inviting an avalanche of cronyism and protection.“
AI regulation. The grumpy economist is grumpy about the "act now" open letter and Governor Newsom's executive order. Round up the usual suspects! grumpy-economist.com/p/ai-re…
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If you ever took a course in economic history, chances are you heard the argument that the trade embargo of 1807, the subsequent non-importation measures, and the War of 1812 gave a big boost to U.S. manufacturers. I certainly did! This is a common argument in favor of tariffs, since it illustrates the importance of protecting infant industries. In a wonderful paper just out in the Economic History Review, Joseph Davis and Douglas Irwin, @D_A_Irwin, show that there is no evidence of this effect in the data. The trend growth of industrial output does not change. You do see some reallocation across sectors, though, as one would expect. I have made a similar argument on many occasions: xitter.cf/JesusFerna7026/status/… Are there examples of industrial policies (e.g., aggressive tariff protection) that raise trend growth? Yes. But every single one of them, every single one of them, every single one of them, involves some form of wage repression (i.e., wages below what the market allocation would have delivered). There was no wage repression in the U.S. in 1807–1815, and hence no positive effect on industrial growth. Now, remember: wage repression is a necessary condition for industrial policy to work, not a sufficient one. There are plenty of examples of industrial policies with wage repression that did not work. But without wage repression, you do not even have a chance. Link here: onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/…
A post of mine on industrial policy from last July is having a second life, so let me rewrite it more clearly now that I have more experience with X. Can industrial policy work? Yes. The East Asian experience shows it can, at least partially. But its success rests on a key condition: labor control. Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan industrialized rapidly under authoritarian (e.g., Park’s South Korea) or semi-authoritarian regimes (e.g., Japan). Wages and labor rights were systematically repressed to favor capital accumulation and export competitiveness. This was especially stark in South Korea during the 1980s and 1990s, when unions clashed with the state and big business. China’s recent experience basically follows the same pattern. Authoritarianism in East Asia was not incidental to the success of industrial policy. It was functional. No labor repression, no successful industrial policy. Let me be careful about what I am NOT claiming: 1) I am not claiming labor repression is sufficient for industrial policy to succeed. You need many other ingredients. Best counterexample? Brazil under import substitution: labor repression, but without the other key pieces, such as aggressive export orientation. Labor repression is a necessary condition. If you do not get the difference between necessary and sufficient, you have more important priorities than reading about industrial policy. 2) I am not claiming the only path to growth is industrial policy. Many countries have grown without it, or with pretty lousy and ineffectual versions of it. Best example? Spain. 3) I am not saying labor repression means wages do not grow. It means they grow less than they otherwise would have. Think counterfactuals. 4) I am not saying democracies cannot repress labor. They sometimes do. It just happens far less often, and often less effectively. Continental Western Europe after WWII was not an example of industrial policy. France and, to some degree, Italy used some, but the mainstream view is that postwar growth was not driven by it. What many of these countries used was a form of “coordinated capitalism,” in which unions accepted slower wage growth in exchange for higher investment and faster growth. That has a flavor similar to my argument. As far as I can tell, there is no clean example of large-scale industrial policy that has succeeded without labor repression. Why so many people on the left are in love with industrial policy is a mystery to me. More generally, why so many people on the left admire China, given that its economic policy is 100% contrary to what they support (low taxes, little industrial regulation, little concern for the environment, labor repression, as little economic and political power to women and minorities as possible) is even more of a mystery except for some infantile contrarian positioning (“since this is not what The Economist like, I support it”) Alexander Gerschenkron made this point better than anyone. But it was also Marx’s point about “primitive accumulation,” and Stalin’s logic in the five-year plans, which were all about repressing labor (mostly agricultural, but to a lesser degree in manufacturing too). I am not going to praise Stalin in public, but he understood economics better than the average poster on X. Read Gerschenkron. Seriously. The original post: xitter.cf/JesusFerna7026/status/…
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Mark Schelker retweeted
51% der Einnahmen der Schweizer Bauern stammen vom Staat – rund 3x so viel wie im OECD-Schnitt. Trotzdem verlangt der Bauernverband als Preis für ein Ja zum Mercosur-Freihandelsabkommen 880 Mio. Fr. zusätzlich.
🤖 Made with AI
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Der politische Diskurs ist naturgemäss von Interessengruppen dominiert. Das ist nicht schlecht per se. Die Frage ist wie "stark" Spezialinteressen die Politik beinflussen können sollten. Referenden helfen, diese Frage zu beantworten. @lukasleuzinger schweizermonat.ch/was-hilft-…
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Most of the economic claims in these videos are either not supported by the federal government's own analyses (!) or grossly misinterpreted. I don't recall seeing this much spin and misrepresentation by our government. Why so much spin? Our analysis here: unifr.ch/ecopub/assets/publi…
What would happen if Switzerland couldn’t participate in the EU single market? The #SwissEUpackage guarantees this access, providing several benefits for both economies. 🇨🇭🤝🇪🇺 Learn more here: admin.ch/en/swiss-eu-relatio…
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We have an opening for a PhD position in economics at my Chair. Our research & teaching focus on public economics in its broadest sense. Good language skills in French are required for this position. Further information in the link below: unifr.ch/webnews/content/10/…
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Alle sind gegen Regulierung. Und dennoch beklagen viele die «Regulierungsflut». Natürlich reagiert die Politik auf die Nachfrage der Spezialinteressen. Darum nützt die Symptombekämpfung wenig. (1/3)
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Simon Lüchinger und ich haben uns den Effekt der Abschaffung des obligatorischen Gesetzesreferendums in den Kantonen angeschaut. Ohne das potenzielle Veto der Wählerschaft steigt die Regulierungsaktivität um fast 50 Prozent. (2/3)
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📢 The full programme of the SSES Annual Congress 2026 #sses2026 at @HSGStGallen is now online: sgvs.ch/conferences/sses2026… 1/
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