Mana Ikojeje Kongolo isoni, N’Iwowe Mama y’Ukuri

👇🏽👇🏽👇🏽💪🏾Buriya njewe Iyo nitegereje izi #Ngabo mbona Zigira umwihariko nubwo wowe wenda atariko ubibona, Kandi twembi ntawe ufite ikosa kuba tutabibona kimwe rwose, nikwakundi nubundi buri umwe wese atekereza ukwe nubundi kandi ntihakagire unenga imitekerereze yundi, keretse wenda babandi batekereza guhemuka nibo tutakwihanganira, naho ubundi Uwiteka Akomeze Abane namwe kuko muri Ishema ryacu, ariko kandi muri n’#Abaragwa b’Ubwami Bw’Imana pe. #Mbakunda kubi naho #Akagara, Banyemera n’Ibigarasha barakanyagwa zigahera. facebook.com/share/v/1Atf3XA…

La Mathématique ici reste est Violée si j’ai une bonne mémoire, né en 1995, La guerre commence 1998 et comment nous ceci égal = plus de 30?🤣🤣🤣

The guy so called the #Highest DRC’S Youth Public Figure #Fake musician Mr Kabwela A.K.A Gallas can’t even speak French and Yet still counting himself in the Top #10 Best Artists in Of The Country

Mundebere iki gisambo koko

This Picture means everything to the rest of the world, now let me ask Mzee Bukuru A.K.A Nyaruda #Nyaruda, Gakunzi A.K.A #Sagatwe And Mazuru A.K.A #Vuvuzela how you feel right now

#Ongera utere kagatebe usome igice cakabiri nanone: The incident, documented by MONUSCO and UN investigators, demonstrated the mission's direct battlefield medical support to the FARDC-FDLR coalition. Military sources have confirmed that MONUSCO helicopters evacuated wounded FDLR combatants and that UN-supplied equipment reached the genocidal group. UN investigations confirm FARDC-FDLR cooperation and Congolese military supplies to the FDLR but hide that MONUSCO knowingly armed or evacuated FDLR fighters. Why did MONUSCO failed to end FDLR's armed presence and keep supporting successive Congolese military partnerships that allowed the genocidal group to survive, despite having a mandate to confront it? For a mission entrusted with restoring security in eastern DRC, the FDLR's continued existence represents an enduring strategic failure, despite costing over USD 1 billion every year. It is safe to say the mission has been useless to DRC and the region at large

#Agahuru K’imbwa kahiye karanakongoka mugihe kitari icakure, Tera agatebe usome, unasobanuze•026-10-11 08:21:00 •  For nearly three decades, UN peacekeepers have operated in eastern DRC with successive mandates to disarm armed groups. Yet the Kinshasa-backed FDLR genocidal group, one of the region’s most notorious militias, remains active. Its endurance raises questions about the UN mission’s priorities, its military partnerships, and the consequences of repeatedly failing to eliminate a threat rooted in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda. When the UN deployed MONUC to DRC in 1999, disarming foreign armed groups was central to the peace process. The Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement of July 10, 1999, identified nine armed-group categories, including the former Rwandan army (ex-FAR), Interahamwe militia, Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and Burundian FDD. On February 24, 2000, UN Security Council Resolution 1291 instructed MONUC to help develop arrangements for their disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration. Among the Rwandan armed formations was the ALiR, whose ranks drew from ex-FAR soldiers and Interahamwe. In 2000, ALiR factions helped establish the FDLR. The FDLR inherited a militant network linked to the forces responsible for the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda. More than a quarter-century after its formation, the network remains intact. The mandate did not succeed in completing its objectives On June 27, 2012, UN Security Council Resolution 2053 renewed MONUSCO's Chapter VII mandate. The mission was authorized to use necessary measures to protect civilians and support operations against armed groups. The mandate became more aggressive on March 28, 2013, when Resolution 2098 established the Force Intervention Brigade (FIB), empowered to conduct offensive operations to neutralize armed groups. MONUSCO demonstrated its offensive capabilities against M23 rebels. In August 2013, its artillery, attack helicopters and ground troops supported Congolese forces during battles around Kibati, north of Goma, the provincial capital of North Kivu. By November, M23 had suffered a major military defeat. But the FDLR remained entrenched. On June 3, 2014, international envoys, including MONUSCO chief Martin Kobler, pretended to publicly condemn the FDLR's failure to disarm, despite promises to surrender fighters. A year later, on January 29, 2015, the Congolese army launched what it branded Operation Sokola II, allegedly against the FDLR. MONUSCO initially pledged support, but cooperation subsequently broke down over concerns about human rights abuses by Congolese commanders. The episode exposed a critical weakness. The mission possessed an offensive mandate but pretended to be remained constrained by its relationship with the very army responsible for confronting armed groups. MONUSCO became part of the evil coalition The resurgence of M23 in late 2021 exposed another battlefield reality. While MONUSCO expanded cooperation with the Congolese armed forces, UN experts documented FARDC collaboration with the FDLR in military operations against AFC/M23 rebels. Since 2022, UN and Human Rights Watch reports have described Congolese military support to FDLR, including weapons, ammunition, and operational coordination. MONUSCO is supporting a national army whose battlefield partners include a genocidal militia the UN itself had repeatedly demanded be disarmed. On January 24, 2025, MONUSCO publicly confirmed its continued military support for FARDC and the Southern African regional force against M23. The same military establishment receiving UN assistance had been implicated by UN investigators in sustaining the FDLR. MONUSCO helicopters and battlefield FDLR rescues On February 2, 2024, a MONUSCO helicopter evacuating wounded fighters of the Congolese army coalition near Karuba, in the Masisi territory of North Kivu, came under fire. Two UN peacekeepers were wounded.

Ushumbye Itorero? Utanga cangwe uha umwanya abayobozi ba mutuality gutambutsa ubumwa bukangurira benewacu gutabara cangwe gutanga imisanzu? Cangwe wabaye #Nkumushugi m’umuhogo? Igihe koraje Kandi kirasohoye, uzosarura ico wabibye hakika, #Mwarimuzi nikindi? #Hari udukaye twanditse mo buriwese, Bamwe Bari kwikaratasi ibanza abi kuyinyuma, wewe utekereza ko wanditse kuyihe muri izo zombi Kandi kubera iyihe mpamvu? Rya urimenge nibwo urya ibyawe kuko ibyabandi nabyo bizorebwa n’abo nyine…👇🏽👇🏽👇🏽 Sinkunda #Guharara

Nyuma yuko #Sagatwe bitiriye Intwari y’ubwoko late #Afande Gakunzi Fred wigeze nogutabara uburundi ubwo inyeshamba za FNL #Paripehutu zigaruriraga ikiwanja c’indege c’Ibujumbura, akaza kuzikubita nko guhumbya no guhumura akagisubiza abarundi beneco, kamaze iminsi kigamba kugambanira benewabo ndetse kakanabikangurira izindi mburabwenge, #L’État ya Gitega rero yamaze kwanamuza mugukomeza kugereka ibyaha bikomeye k’Umpunzi zabanyekongo zivuga ururimi rw’Ikinyamurenge ho ibyaha bikomeye, Nyamara mwibuke ko Atari ubwambere iyi L’État ikora amahano nkaya, mwibuke mumwaka wa 2004 #Itsembabwoko bazikoreye ndetse bakanabyigamba!!! Ubu rero abashumba b’Amatorero ndetse n’Abafasha babo bakomeje gutotezwa n’Uhagarariye ibihugu bya Afurika #Union Africaine @Ndayishimiye Evariste 👇🏽👇🏽👇🏽 Bizarangira Bite? Kombona N’igihugu ciwe ubu kiri kumwanya wambere w’Ibihugu bikenye Kwisi? Aho wenda ntiyakabanje kugisana mbere yuko yijandika mubyabanye Kongo? Burya baca umugani ngo #Umanika Agati wicaye, kukamanura bikagusaba #Kwisubukuruza.

#Kubita umujinga #Kabila Kabange Joseph xitter.cf/i/spaces/1nJOLQBmEeAxR