Partner, Canadian Strategy Group

Edmonton, Alberta
Joined September 2010
Michael Lohner 🇨🇦 retweeted
Is this the best ive ever felt about an Oilers goalie while he gives up 5 goals? Probably.
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This morning we hosted a great @CdnStratGroup Insights Breakfast in Edmonton for our clients and friends. @planetjanetyyc and @DuaneBratt discussed "What's next?" after Monday's referendum in Alberta. The weeks and months ahead will be important and interesting. #ableg
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Great closing ad!
Be part of the change. Vote Conservative. Let’s do this BC.
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Michael Lohner 🇨🇦 retweeted
Who came up with this 😂😂 Writer: Ian
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Michael Lohner 🇨🇦 retweeted
🤣✌🏻 #Trump #TheOfffice
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This. Class and humour vs the orange man with no soul.
I am a member of the Norwegian Nobel Committee. There are five of us. Five people, appointed by a parliament most of the planet could not find on a map, who decide, once a year, which human being the world has agreed to call good. I know. I know. I think about it on the tram. We meet in a building on Henrik Ibsens gate, a street named after a man who wrote almost exclusively about people discovering they are frauds, which nobody on the committee finds funny except me. There is a room with a long table and the portraits of the dead laureates looking down, Mandela, the Dalai Lama, a great many earnest men in spectacles, and one portrait we do not discuss, which is Kissinger, 1973, awarded while the bombs were still falling, after which two of our predecessors resigned and the satirist Tom Lehrer said political satire was now obsolete. We keep him on the wall. A reminder. Every family has the uncle. It is October in Oslo, which means the sun gives up around four in the afternoon like a civil servant, and it rains the particular Norwegian rain that isn’t quite falling, just hanging there, judging you. I arrive with wet shoes. I always arrive with wet shoes. There is coffee, because this is Norway and there is always coffee, we drink more of it per person than almost anyone alive, and someone’s wife has sent kanelboller, the cinnamon buns, and we sit, five Norwegians, damp, caffeinated, sugared, and we decide the moral standing of the entire species. Let me tell you how it actually works, because the world imagines a cathedral and it is, I promise you, a book club with a mandate. 287 nominations this year. 208 people, 79 organizations. Anyone can nominate, that’s the secret nobody understands: a professor, a parliamentarian, a former laureate, so the “nominee” list is meaningless, it’s a suggestion box, and every autumn some congressman nominates his own golden retriever and the press writes “SHORTLISTED.” Nobody is shortlisted. There is no short list the public ever sees. There is us, and the coffee, and the rain, and the portraits, and a Norwegian stubbornness that is older than the prize itself. We read reports. The institute’s advisers write them, thick dull documents, and we argue. Our chairman told the BBC once that in the final meeting “there is a high temperature.” High temperature, for a Norwegian, means someone slightly raised an eyebrow and then apologized for it. We don’t do high temperature. We do a long silence, and then Kristin says “well,” and everyone knows exactly what “well” meant, and it’s settled. That’s our shouting. “Well.” You’d have to be raised here to hear the violence in it. Now. This year. I will not say the name, because we never say the name, but you know the name. A certain head of state wanted this prize the way a child wants a thing in a shop window, which is to say loudly, and in public, and with the full belief that wanting it was itself the argument. He said he deserved it. He said he’d ended eight wars, a number that grew most times he said it, like a fish. He had other heads of state phone us. Israel’s prime minister posted it on the internet, “Give him the Nobel.” The leaders of Cambodia and Pakistan announced they’d nominated him, as though announcing it were part of it, as though we tally mentions. A man flew around the globe collecting endorsements for a Norwegian committee the way you’d collect signatures for a petition to the council about a noisy dog. And here, uff da, is the detail I treasure, the one that makes me smile into my coffee. The nomination deadline is the 31st of January. He took office on the 20th. So for all the phone calls, all the posts, all the gilded lobbying, the only nominations that could possibly count for this year’s prize were filed in the first eleven days of his term, before he had, by his own arithmetic, ended a single one of the eight wars. He campaigned all year for a prize whose window had shut while he was still hanging up his coat. We didn’t have to reject him. The calendar did. We just watched. Norwegians are very good at watching. We have long winters. People think we sit there weighing his deeds. We don’t. That’s the thing I can’t make the world understand. We’re not grading his homework. We don’t owe anyone the prize for a ceasefire, however real, however loud the announcement. “He made peace” is not a sentence that ends in a medal, the way he believes it does, the way he believes every good thing ends in his name on it. The will of a dead Swede says the prize goes to whoever did the most for fraternity between nations. A dead Swede, I should add, who made his entire fortune inventing dynamite and selling arms, and spent his last years horrified at his own obituary, which called him a merchant of death, and so bought his way to immortality as a man of peace. The whole prize is one guilty arms dealer’s attempt to launder his name. We are, all of us, administering a dead man’s public relations. I find this clarifying. It keeps me humble. It should keep everyone humble, and it keeps, by my count, no one humble at all. So who did we give it to? An eighty-five-year-old woman. A judge. Born in Durban, under apartheid, granddaughter of a Tamil man who came to South Africa as indentured labor, a bus driver’s daughter from the poor Indian quarter, who became the first non-white woman to run a law practice in her province, who defended Mandela’s people when defending them was dangerous, who sat on the Rwanda tribunal and the court at the Hague, and who, at eighty-five, is right now a judge weighing whether a genocide is a genocide. When we told the world, our chairman said the rule of law “underpins the system we have set up to ensure peace,” and that “peace requires justice.” She wasn’t even in Oslo. She was in Nuremberg. In courtroom 600. The actual room where they tried the Nazis. You cannot stage that. God staged that, and God, it turns out, is a better satirist than any of us. She did not phone us. She did not post. No prime minister demanded it for her on the internet. She had, as far as our deliberations are concerned, the one qualification the loud man could never manufacture, which is that she wanted the work and not the medal. The medal finds those people. It flees the ones who chase it. This is not a rule we wrote. It’s just the only pattern the hundred-odd years of our mistakes has ever shown. The reaction from across the ocean was immediate. His spokesman posted that we “place politics over peace.” Ja. Perhaps. We’re five damp pensioners in a rainy city; of course it’s political, it was always political, it was political when we gave it to a sitting American president nine months into his first term for the promise of things he had not yet done, and we have been quietly embarrassed about that one for fifteen years, so believe me, we had a particular reason this year to prefer a woman with fifty years of verdicts behind her over a man with eight wars in front of him and a deadline already behind him. Here is what he will never understand, the thing I’d tell him on the tram if he ever took one. We are the one prize he cannot buy, cannot post his way to, cannot have a friendly dictator phone in for him. Not because we’re incorruptible, nei, we’re as vain and wrong and human as the portraits on our wall. But because the entire point of the thing, the only power a small cold country’s book club has ever held, is that it goes to the person not performing the wanting. The moment you demand it, you’ve proven you don’t understand what it’s for, and proving that is itself the disqualification. He ran the most expensive campaign in the history of the prize and the campaign was the reason. He was never losing to Navi Pillay. He was losing to the concept. It’s dark now. Four o’clock dark. The buns are gone. Kristin said “well” an hour ago and we all went home. I’m on the tram with my wet shoes, and somewhere across the water a very powerful man is explaining to a camera that the prize is rigged, that we’re corrupt, that he’ll win it next year, and he genuinely might, we’re only five idiots and we’ve been wrong before, Kissinger is still on the wall. But not this year. This year an old woman in Nuremberg, in the room where the law once stared down the exact kind of man who thinks wanting a thing loudly enough should make it his, got a phone call she didn’t ask for. That’s the job. We don’t reward the man who ends the war and announces it. We reward the woman who spent fifty years deciding what a war was. He’ll never see the difference. That’s rather the whole point of him. Takk for i dag. I have to change trams.
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Imagine all the infrastructure in place to keep someone without a soul alive.
Trump: I travel with doctors. If people get sick in the audience, they leave them alone. You know what they call them? Collateral damage. If that person right over there, he looks like shit actually. He looks like he's ready to have a heart attack. If he did, my doctors would leave him alone.
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Michael Lohner 🇨🇦 retweeted
To Donald J. Trump, 45th and 47th President of the United States From Viktor Yushchenko, 3rd President of Ukraine Mr. President, I write these words without diplomatic formulas or ceremonial language. I write simply, from one human being to another, and from one president to another—two men who understand that there are moments in history when decisions determine not only the fate of nations, but the fate of freedom itself. For Ukrainians, freedom is not an abstraction. It is not a slogan written into a political declaration. Freedom is in our blood. It comes to us through generations — from our Cossack forefathers, from ancestors who valued above all else their liberty, their dignity, and the land God gave them. We are a nation rooted in the soil. Our identity grew from love of our home, our field, our village, our city, our church, our family, and the sky above us. Ukrainians have never sought what belongs to another nation. But neither have we ever willingly surrendered what is ours. Mr. President, look at what is happening in Ukraine right now, at this very moment. Every day and night, our cities shudder under Russian ballistic missiles, Iranian Shahed drones, and aerial bombs. Russia strikes ordinary residential buildings in ancient Kyiv, sleeping neighborhoods in Zaporizhzhia, Odesa, Dnipro, Kharkiv, and towns across our country. Families are killed in their homes. Millions live under the threat of another siren, another explosion, another night wondering whether their children will still be alive in the morning. And when there is talk of “concessions” or deals with Putin, the Kremlin’s answer is more missiles, more drones, and more bloodshed. Ukrainian families pay the price. Behind every statistic is a human life. A mother buries her child. A child stands beside the grave of a father. A family returns to what was once its home and finds only broken concrete and photographs scattered through the ruins. This is not a distant “conflict.” This is the daily reality of millions of Ukrainians. And against this reality, Ukrainians hear calls that Ukraine should stop. That Ukraine should restrain its strikes against the infrastructure that finances and sustains Russia's war. That trade in Russian energy can somehow be separated from the missiles and drones Russia sends against Ukrainian families. It cannot. Money paid for Russian fuel is not an abstraction called “commerce” It finances an economy geared toward total war. Russia needs resources to wage this unjust war and Ukraine is fighting to deprive Russia of those resources. There is a profound moral difference between the aggressor and the nation defending itself. Mr. President, America knows this distinction better than most nations. It knows how dangerous it is to believe that trade can tame an aggressor or make the threat disappear. History taught us that lesson at a terrible price. Before the United States entered World War II, America traded extensively with Imperial Japan, including in strategically important materials. Washington hoped for years to avoid a wider war in the Pacific. Ultimately, economic pressure and diplomacy could not prevent catastrophe and on December 7, 1941, Pearl Harbor was attacked. History may not repeat itself exactly, but it does raise the same questions again. What price do free nations pay when aggression is rewarded rather than stopped? Ukraine once placed extraordinary faith in the international order led by the United States. When the Soviet Union collapsed, Ukraine inherited one of the largest nuclear arsenals in the world. In negotiations with our allies, we agreed to give it up. We did so because we believed that a world governed by agreements was safer than a world governed by nuclear weapons. In 1994, the United States of America, along with its partners, signed the Budapest Memorandum, providing Ukraine with official assurances of security, sovereignty, and the inviolability of our borders. They pledged not to threaten or use force against Ukraine. America assumed a moral responsibility toward Ukraine. So how can anyone today, when a treacherous enemy has attacked us, forget America’s signature on this document? Ukraine kept its word. Russia broke its word. That history matters today. Because when a nation gives up the most powerful weapons on Earth in return for international commitments, and is later invaded by one of the very states that made those commitments, the consequences extend far beyond Ukraine. Every nation in the world is watching and asking whether agreements with great powers mean anything. They are asking whether giving up nuclear weapons makes a country safer—or more vulnerable. And they are watching America. Mr. President, our nations are connected by more than treaties and diplomacy. We have stood together many times before. One of the six Marines who raised the American flag at Iwo Jima was Sergeant Michael Strank, whose family came from Lemkivshchyna and who gave his life fighting for the United States. When American and Soviet forces met at the Elbe in April 1945, American Lieutenant William Robertson was first embraced by a Ukrainian boy from the Cherkasy region — Oleksandr Silvashko. Ukrainian soldiers served alongside American forces in Iraq and Afghanistan, and, today, Ukraine continues to share its hard-won military experience with its American partners, including expertise in countering Iranian-designed drones. Ukrainians and Americans have shed blood together in defense of freedom against tyranny. Mr. President, above all, there is one thing I want you—and the world—to understand. Do not mistake the Ukrainian desire for peace for a willingness to surrender. The Ukrainian spirit cannot and will not be broken. No people wants peace more than a people whose children are being killed. But peace cannot come by asking the victim to pay the price for the aggressor’s crimes. We cannot agree to a peace that will later cause the deaths of many more of our children and grandchildren. We are a people with deep roots, bound to our land by love, labor, and the spirit of freedom. We will never yield our land willingly to anyone. This is our home, given to us by God. We were here, we are here, and we will always be here. We cannot be intimidated by missiles, and we cannot be forced to surrender. Ukrainian identity has been forged through centuries of attempts to erase it. The Russian empire tried to silence our language, destroy our culture, starve our people, imprison our leaders, and rewrite our history. And still Ukraine survived. We survived because our roots are deep, and because the blood of a free people flows in our veins. Russia can destroy our buildings. It can terrorize our cities. It can kill our people. But it cannot destroy who we are. It cannot compel Ukrainians to cease being Ukrainian. Mr. President, America’s greatness was not built by accommodating tyranny, but by understanding, at decisive moments of its history, that freedom must be defended before the price of defending it becomes immeasurably greater. Ukraine is defending that principle today with the lives of our people. Today, the free world faces questions larger than Ukraine itself: whether borders may be changed by force; whether agreements between nations still have meaning; whether aggression will be rewarded; and whether the free world will stand beside those who choose freedom. One does not negotiate with tyrants—one stops them. Mr. President, I believe America understands this. With faith in truth, freedom, and the honor of the free world, Viktor Yushchenko President of Ukraine 2005-2010
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Every day this administration finds a new low.
From Russia, with Love…
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Michael Lohner 🇨🇦 retweeted
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My socials have Christmas ads today. Sept 18. Seriously Canadian Tire? (And others)
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Michael Lohner 🇨🇦 retweeted
RAIDERS WIN @Raiders !!
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You vile pathetic man-child. The Canadian cadet program teaches community service and leadership skills and builds the character in our teens that you clearly lack. Almost 4 decades later, I am still grateful for my years as a cadet.
🇨🇦 (this is real)
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Maybe the strategy is to rest the offence? #elks
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Michael Lohner 🇨🇦 retweeted
A Russian embassy worker in Canada is forced to spend his days popping Ukrainian flag balloons that mysteriously keep appearing outside. Investigative journalist Christo Grozev says it's 34-year-old diplomat Ivan Danilenkov, who methodically destroys them with a needle.
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Michael Lohner 🇨🇦 retweeted
Timelapse of last nights severe thunderstorm over Downtown Edmonton 😮
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Michael Lohner 🇨🇦 retweeted
A little piece of the sky & a canola field this morning!
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