Eli Kalika retweeted
NAZA: A Propaganda Film Masquerading as an Investigation of the Gaza War
I recently saw NAZA in a theater in a European capital. Here is my review and analysis.
Directors Yuval Abraham & Rachel Szor could have made a serious documentary about the war in Gaza, civilian casualties, collateral damage calculations, and IDF military practices. These are all legitimate questions to investigate about how the IDF selected targets, assessed civilian casualties, and conducted its military campaign. Instead, Abraham made a propaganda film with one very clear message:
The IDF are literally modern-day Nazis, deliberately carrying out the destruction of the Gazan people.
This is made unmistakably clear in a sequence late in the film. Abraham shows the two-minute siren observed in Israel on Holocaust Remembrance Day, followed by an image of director Claude Lanzmann, whose 1985 documentary Shoah consisted of interviews with witnesses to the Holocaust (which my parents made me watch in a New York City theater when I was 15, and which I remember well). The comparison Abraham is drawing is hardly subtle. Just as Lanzmann interviewed witnesses to Nazi atrocities, Abraham presents himself as interviewing their Israeli counterparts. The implication is that the IDF are today's Nazis and Gaza is the modern Holocaust.
That framing is precisely why NAZA cannot be taken seriously as an objective investigation of the war. Nor can the testimony of Abraham's anonymous witnesses be accepted uncritically. We hear only brief, selectively edited excerpts from each interview. With no way to assess the witnesses' credibility, the full context of their remarks, or what may have been omitted, the audience is left unable to independently evaluate their testimony. Knowing that Abraham was also behind the deliberately misleading claim that 83% of Gazans killed in the war were civilians only adds to the skepticism with which his presentation of evidence should be viewed.
The film is certainly harrowing. The accounts and footage of death and destruction, including descriptions of how Israeli drones killed people from the sky, are deeply disturbing. It is a horrifying reminder of what war looks like, particularly for civilians caught in it, and the film succeeds in unsettling the viewer. But disturbing footage is not itself evidence of genocide, and civilian deaths, however terrible, do not establish that civilians were deliberately targeted or that a military campaign was conducted with genocidal intent.
One of the soldiers interviewed says he believes the war was genocide. But his explanation in the very next sentence reveals he does not understand the term. He specifically acknowledges that civilian deaths were classified as collateral damage, but argues that because the military knew civilians would die, those deaths were intentional killings and therefore constituted genocide. This if of course plainly wrong.
The most glaring problem with NAZA is what Abraham deliberately leaves out: the actual war being fought in Gaza. As usual for this type of narrative, Hamas is 100% erased from the battlefield. Someone emerging from a three-year coma and watching this film would come away believing that the IDF was deployed to Gaza for one purpose alone: to kill Palestinian civilians. They would hardly even know that Hamas had an organized military force, let alone that Israel was fighting a war against it.
There is an early, passing reference to 10/7 and the hostages, but virtually nothing thereafter about the organization Israel was fighting, its military infrastructure, its tactics, or its deliberate integration of military operations into civilian areas. Nothing about Israel's efforts to recover the hostages, ceasefire negotiations, Hamas' refusal to surrender, or the killing of hostages in captivity. I waited throughout the film for someone to mention the word "tunnel." It never came. Nothing about Hamas' role in prolonging the war. In the world Abraham presents where the IDF are Nazis, HAMAS DOES NOT EXIST.
How is it possible to make a documentary about Israeli targeting decisions in Gaza without discussing Hamas' vast underground tunnel network? If the central accusation is that Israel attacked Hamas operatives in their homes, shouldn't the filmmaker at least examine where else Israel could have attacked them? What were the military alternatives? Were those operatives accessible in tunnels? Would attacking the tunnels beneath residential neighborhoods have caused even greater civilian casualties? Why did Hamas commanders have tunnel shafts from their homes and other civilian structures rather than clearly identifiable military installations? Abraham shows no interest in asking any of these questions.
Ironically, the testimony of the Israeli intelligence personnel undermines much of the film's own framing. There is extensive discussion of how intelligence resources were devoted to identifying Hamas targets and calculating anticipated collateral damage. The interviewees describe procedures for estimating how many civilians might be killed in an attack. Whatever one thinks of the resulting decisions, these accounts concern the targeting of Hamas operatives, not a policy of deliberately targeting children or civilians. There is no testimony establishing that civilians in those homes were the intended targets, or that the IDF waited for additional civilians to arrive in order to kill them. The discussion is about attacking Hamas personnel while anticipating that civilians might also be killed.
That raises serious questions about proportionality, intelligence reliability, and the military advantage expected from particular strikes. But Abraham bypasses all those questions in favor of his predetermined conclusion.
The intelligence officers also acknowledge another crucial limitation: They were not responsible for the actual decisions to authorize or conduct the strikes. Their role was to provide intelligence about targets and anticipated casualties. They were not privy to the final operational assessments, the expected military advantage, or the circumstances under which an attack was ultimately carried out. This leads to perhaps the film's most consequential evidentiary failure.
At different points, NAZA refers to extraordinary ratios of civilian casualties to a single targeted combatant, including 100-to-1, 300-to-1, 500-to-1. Yet the film does not substantiate them with a single documented strike in which hundreds of civilians were actually killed to eliminate one Hamas operative. There is not a single analysis of an actual strike in the entire film.
The same selective approach appears in the interviews with soldiers discussing the killing of Gazans in restricted military zones or near aid distribution areas. Abraham presents snippets of testimony without pursuing obvious follow-up questions such as: were Hamas fighters ever operating among people seeking aid? (dozens have been identified by Hamas and PIJ's recent martyr notices, so we know this is true). These are precisely the questions that a true investigative journalist should ask before drawing conclusions about what the testimony establishes.
Likewise, the film devotes considerable attention to the destruction of residential buildings, but seemingly none to Hamas' use of booby traps and explosives in homes, or tunnel shafts. Were any of the buildings destroyed because they were booby-trapped? Did the interviewed soldiers know colleagues killed by explosives planted inside residential structures? How often were houses used as military positions, tunnel entrances, or weapons-storage facilities? Again, silence, Hamas does not exist.
At no point does Abraham seriously grapple with the fact that hundreds of Israeli soldiers were killed fighting in Gaza. What were those soldiers fighting, and against whom? Was there an actual battlefield, with armed Hamas units, ambushes, tunnels, explosives, and sustained combat? Of course there was. Again, the movie is intended to portray the war as the IDF vs civilians, period.
The result is a film that asks viewers to judge Israel's conduct in a war while withholding almost everything about the enemy it was fighting. NAZA had the opportunity to investigate the Gaza war and IDF actions. Instead, Abraham chose to make a film equating Israeli soldiers with Nazis, leaving his audience emotionally overwhelmed but remarkably uninformed about the war itself.
Eli Kalika retweeted
There are several main thrusts to the genocide libel.
- One is Amnesty calling it a genocide even though they admit they have changed the definition of genocide to accuse Israel of it.
- One is an ‘independent UN report’ by three UN workers with a history of anti Israel activism which hasn’t been adopted by the UN.
- One is the ‘genocide scholars’ even though anyone (you don’t even have to be a scholar) can join the genocide scholars organisation and only 28 per cent of the 500 members voted in what was seen as a political hijacking.
- And finally you have South Africa and others bringing a genocide case at the ICJ. Nations behind this such as Ireland have pushed for the definition of genocide to be changed. The court has said it will allow the case to be heard even though Palestine isn’t a country and it’s being brought by a third party leading to confusion that this is a ‘plausible case’ for genocide rather than the more complicated idea that South Africa can plausibly bring this case.
In plain terms: Palestinians have a plausible legal right, under the Convention, to be protected from genocide, and South Africa has a plausible right to bring the case. That is all the word “plausible” referred to.
The Court did not find that it was plausible Israel was committing genocide.
In contrast you have facts.
If Israel intended to commit genocide of the Palestinian people (and intent is the key word in the genocide definition) it would not have fed them, given them polio vaccinations, moved them to humanitarian zones when it tried to fight Hamas etc and there would be many, many, many more dead.
That’s why you have these 6000 experts and genocide scholars saying it not a genocide.
The genocide libel against Israel was started in the 1960s by the Soviets to attack America and Israel. It was pushed though the USSR via the UN and now trips off the tongue of antisemites everywhere who don’t understand that genocide is different to war. Antisemites and ignorants who basically want to call a people who were victims of an actual genocide, genociders to appease their guilt, steal Jewish victimhood, dismantle the case for Israel and label Jews the new Nazis.
I am happy to join 6,000 prominent scholars, legal experts to sign a letter rejecting Gaza genocide charge. jpost.com/israel-news/articl…
include historian Niall Ferguson, Israeli historian Benny Morris, Holocaust historian and former US Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism Deborah Lipstadt, Tel Aviv University professor emerita and former Yad Vashem chief historian Dina Porat, historian and author Simon Sebag Montefiore, UCLA professor Judea Pearl, and Brandeis University professor emeritus Jonathan Sarna.
Eli Kalika retweeted
Look, we all know that the Gaza genocide conspiracy theory is debunked nonsense.
But some people aren’t aware.
So here are four square infographics to share with your friends and enemies.
Eli Kalika retweeted
Motaz goes on a 3.5 hr Podcast run by another Palestinian and admits that Hamas ran a WhatsApp group that controlled all narratives coming out of Gaza.
So basically what us, “Zionists,” have been telling you for the past 3 years. Now we just have our admission.
Palestinian media propaganda is equivalent to Russia and North Korea levels of propaganda.
BOMBSHELL: Gaza Photojournalist Reveals Hamas Ran a WhatsApp Group to Control War Coverage
Motaz Azaiza — once the face of Gaza's war reporting, with nearly 20M followers — says a Hamas-linked WhatsApp group called "Smart" directed media coverage and organized attacks on journalists who broke from its line.
Eli Kalika retweeted
Motaz Azaiza just admitted that Gaza’s journalists were all in a Hamas WhatsApp group called SMART—where they “managed the discourse and the narrative.”
Journalists coordinating the narrative with Hamas should be a massive international scandal.
Instead, there’s not a word.
Eli Kalika retweeted
The fact that zero media outlets have made a single statement about one of their favorite Palestinian journalists admitting that they worked with Hamas to shape the narrative is actually insane.
Eli Kalika retweeted
A new peer-reviewed study by @Fifty_Global analyzed 1,378 articles containing the word “Gaza” from CNN, BBC, NYT, The Guardian, WaPo, ABC, Reuters, and AP. The findings are wild:
🔸 Hamas Health Ministry figures appeared in 100% of the outlets’ casualty reporting. Israeli casualty estimates appeared in just 3%.
🔸 Israeli estimates of Hamas fighters killed were almost nonexistent. The New York Times never cited them. CNN and The Guardian did so in roughly 1% of articles. AP and ABC were highest at around 7–8%.
🔸 The Gaza Health Ministry’s headline death toll does not distinguish civilians from combatants. Yet only around 15% of articles actually told readers that.
🔸 AP and the Washington Post did better, noting this limitation in roughly 40–43% of relevant articles.
🔸 The skepticism was also wildly uneven. The BBC questioned Israeli figures in 43% of relevant cases, but Hamas Health Ministry figures in 0%.
🔸 The Washington Post questioned Israeli figures 71% of the time, compared with just 1% for Hamas Health Ministry figures.
We're all well aware of the insane anti-Israel bias in the media. But it's always nice to have empirical evidence backing it up
Eli Kalika retweeted
It is rather amazing how many widely accepted narratives about the Gaza war and Israel have been completely debunked in recent weeks. Especially after terror groups started announcing death notices for their commanders.
You will note that the media extensively ran with all these narratives without hesitation, despite there being clear evidence of them being unsupported by the facts even at the time.
3 key examples:
1) Israel targeted journalists:
This claim was highly reliant on the CPJ list of killed "journalists". Then the death notices exposed that many on that list were militants. CPJ started secretly removing names and has since announced a full review of their list, but a new analysis shows a majority remaining on the list had terror ties, and dozens are confirmed militants.
Source: freebeacon.com/israel/exclus…
2) Israel intentionally starved Palestinians in Gaza as part of a war strategy.
This was always an absurd claim, given Gaza received more aid per capita than any war zone in recent history with Israel's active support.
But the recent report showing Gaza has malnutrition levels below most of the region and that the expected famine deaths never developed really killed this narrative, which highly relied on data manipulation by the UN and willing dupes in the media.
Source: thefp.com/p/unicef-data-unde…
3) Israel targeted healthcare workers.
Recent death notices have clearly shown that many of the healthcare worker fatalities had dual roles as militants.
Here is a thread with 96 examples: xitter.cf/aizenberg55/status/207…
Eli Kalika retweeted
¹ The IDF has now released the findings of its examination into the Hind Rajab/Hamada family incident.
Predictably, the statement is already being misrepresented as an Israeli “admission” that the IDF killed Hind Rajab.
That is not what it says.
A thread. 🧵
Eli Kalika retweeted
Someone I've known for twenty years lives a couple of blocks away. He is not a partisan, he does not post about the Middle East, and he is not the sort of person who chants anything.
Out of the blue, he asked me: "Do you think there's a genocide in Gaza?"
No, I told him. By every metric that matters — legal, historical, statistical — there is not.
He looked at me the way you look at someone who has just told you the earth is flat. Netanyahu wants to eliminate the Palestinian people, he said. Everybody knows that.
Not a study. Not a court ruling. Not a casualty figure. Just a thing everybody knows.
I have spent forty years as a reporter learning that "everybody knows" is where investigations begin, not where they end.
Tomorrow on Just the Facts: Genocide for Dummies: a plain-language piece on what the word actually means under international law, how Gaza compares on every relevant metric, and why even the strongest case for the genocide charge still doesn't clear the bar the word requires.
By the way, I know the title will bother some readers, and I address that directly in the piece. My argument is not that the subject is trivial — it is that the word is being used by people who cannot define it, at a threshold they have never examined, with a confidence that bears no relationship to the evidence.
Eli Kalika retweeted
🧵Amnesty's Gaza "genocide" report collapses. @amnesty relies on 15 airstrike cases as evidence Israel targeted ONLY civilians, claiming each had no "military objective." But FIVE are now confirmed to have targeted Hamas or PIJ commanders. The "evidence" is fake. Details: 1/
Eli Kalika retweeted
Great work by @leah_aharoni.
“Settler violence”, as I’ve said many times, is not what you think it is.
Not saying it’s not an issue but anyone who compares it to Islamic terror is dishonest and dangerous.
There is no comparison.
Besides, you can’t be a settler in your own home.
Now look at the ACTUAL data!
Once again, you’ve been duped.
Read:
After dismantling B'Tselem's list "settler violence" victims, I keep hearing the same pushback on my post.
"Yes, the fatality numbers are low. But non-lethal settler violence is rampant and undercounted. What about the thousands of incidents international organizations track every year? The property damage? The intimidation? The harassment?"
Fair challenge. So I looked at the" thousands of incidents."
Here is what I found.
The UN office called OCHA, the one that produces the "settler violence" statistics international media loves to quote, has an internal database of incidents.
Accept you cannot see it. OCHA has locked it behind a registration process that does not actually let anyone register.
Regavim obtained the internal spreadsheet the database is using and analyzed it. Case by case. Yes, Regavim is a right-wing Israeli organization focused on land use in Judea and Samaria. I know what you are going to say.
Here is what you should also know. OCHA itself relies heavily on data from B'Tselem, a left-wing Israeli human rights organization. B'Tselem is the source I analyzed independently last week. My analysis showed that B'Tselem's database includes active terrorists killed while committing attacks and files them as victims of settler violence.
So on the left, B'Tselem is manufacturing the same statistics. On the right, Regavim is doing the exposé. And in the middle, OCHA is refusing to let anyone see the raw data.
Until OCHA becomes transparent, this is what we have to work with. And what we have is damning.
OCHA filed 8,332 incidents leading to injury "involving Israeli settlers" between January 2016 and April 2023. Seven and a half years of data.
Here is what is actually in those 8,332 UN incidents.
* 2,047 of them are actual violence *by* Palestinian Arabs against Israelis. Nearly a quarter of the "settler violence" database is Palestinian attacks on Jews. The UN files it in the same folder.
Which leaves 6,285 cases against Palestinians. Sounds terrible. Then you look at what is actually in them.
**1,704 cases happened in Jerusalem.** Not in settlements. Not by settlers. In Jerusalem, a city with a mixed population where any friction between Jews and Arabs gets thrown into the settler-violence bucket.
**1,361 cases involved Jews visiting the Temple Mount** or clashes between Israeli security forces and rioting Muslims. Zero settlers involved. Filed under "settler violence" anyway.
**1,613 cases were complaints about "entering land"** — meaning a hiker walked somewhere a Palestinian claimed as his. No physical assault. No property damage. No violence at all. Someone took a walk. Filed as settler violence.
**96 cases were state infrastructure projects.** Israeli government road-paving and construction. No settlers involved. No violence. The state of Israel building a road is officially "settler violence" in the UN database.
**2,039 complaints alleged property damage or assault with no physical injury.** Which is not what a database of injuries inflicted by settler violence is supposed to contain in the first place.
Add it up. Take out Jerusalem, take out the Temple Mount, take out the hikers, take out the road-paving, take out the complaints without injury.
You are left with 833 incidents. Out of 8,332.
**Ten percent.**
And that ten percent still contains problems.
**404 of the remaining 833** are listed as "involvement in a clash", meaning two people fought and the UN could not determine who started it. Not settler violence. Two-way friction.
**117 more** are attributed by the UN itself to Israeli security forces, not to settlers or civilians.
**Dozens more** are actually Palestinian terror attacks in which the attacker was shot in self-defense by the Jewish target. A stone-thrower shot after wounding a driver on Route 60. A rioter killed by a driver after his car was smashed. An attacker who stabbed a guard at Karmei Tzur and was shot by another guard.
The UN files these as settler violence against Palestinians.
The Palestinian was the attacker. The Jew defended himself. And in the UN's database, the Jew is the perpetrator.
There are traffic accidents in there.
A Palestinian worker bitten by a dog at his workplace. Filed as settler violence.
Let me say this clearly.
The UN office that shapes global discourse about "settler violence" is running a database in which more than 90 percent of the entries are a blatant lie.
Jerusalem incidents. Government construction. Hikers. Palestinian attacks in which the attacker was shot in self-defense. Traffic accidents. Dog bites.
And they will not let you see the database.
Because if you could see it, the entire international narrative about a wave of Jewish settler violence would collapse in an second.
The left-wing organization is inflating the numbers. The right-wing organization is exposing them. The UN is hiding the source data. And in the middle, half a million Israeli Jews, including 150,000 children, are being smeared as an armed wave of extremist violence based on statistics that do not survive contact with sunlight.
Regavim did the analysis. My analysis of B'Tselem last week showed the same exact pattern.
And while you and I cannot look at the OCHA database the way Regavim did, you can go into the Btselem database and read cases of Palestinians stabbings, firebombing and car ramming classified as "victims". It's right there in the open (for now).
The UN is not a neutral data source. Until they open their database to public scrutiny, they are a bad actor, producing statistics designed to smear an entire population.
Every headline you have ever read about "settler violence" traces back to numbers like these. Every foreign minister who has ever quoted UN data on the West Bank is quoting this.
Ten percent real. Ninety percent invented.
Until OCHA opens the database, this is what we have to work with. And what we have is enough.
Eli Kalika retweeted
“Stories involving needles keep coming up"
Jewish patients in Australian hospitals keep experiencing the same thing: once the medical professional treating them realizes they are Jewish, they reportedly struggle to insert IVs.
“It is an easy way to make someone suffer, and there is always an explanation: ‘I couldn’t find the vein,'" said Nurit Haddad, a mental-health nurse in New South Wales, who said she had heard multiple similar stories.
That is not the only example of antisemitism in Australian hospitals.
After the Bondi Beach attack, one doctor allegedly described those who attended a memorial as “Zionists supporting genocide.”
In Sydney, a Jewish women who gave birth via caesarean section was allegedly left for hours without pain relief. She was reportedly lying in her own blood, while her newborn cried beside her.
In Melbourne, a woman was reportedly mocked for seeking mental health support after her family members in Israel were killed in Hamas's October 7th attack on Israel. “This is not a competition of tragedies,” she said. “We are all suffering, and I simply needed help dealing with my grief.”
“Patients are extremely vulnerable in hospital,” one midwife said. “Doctors, nurses and midwives hold enormous power over them.”
These are only some of the stories that have recently come to light.
Medical antisemitism must be stopped.
Eli Kalika retweeted
📰 Global news coverage of these strikes & their stated justification will tell you (almost) everything you've ever needed to know about media bias & systemic journalistic incompetence when covering international law involving armed conflict. Here's why.
BECAUSE IRAN JUST COMMITTED ACTUAL WAR CRIMES AND THE MAINSTREAM MEDIA WON'T EVEN MENTION IT IN THE REPORTING THEY FEED TO THEIR AUDIENCES. That's why.
Apologies for the all caps there, but allow me to explain.
As an @X article published @CENTCOM after this QTd post indicates, the ships 🇮🇷 attacked were as follows: 🇲🇭 flagged Al Rekayyat*, 🇸🇦 flagged Wedyan & 🇱🇷 flagged Cyprus Prosperity.
* What seems to be fairly reliable reporting @Reuters indicates the Al Rekayyat was actually 🇶🇦 flagged. I haven't been able reconcile this discrepancy in reporting yet, so just mentioning it in passing at least for now.
It's important to point out to which country each ship is flagged because ... they're all NEUTRALS in this conflict. And media reporting indicates ALL 3 were attacked in territorial waters of OMAN.
I mean, if you knew absolutely nothing about international law, these facts alone should still sound pretty war crime-y, no? Still, there are doctrinal definitions that can be identified with a simple google search, so let's check them out just for good measure.
The two doctrinal sources we'll consult for present purposes actually haven't been ratified by either country engaged in attacks (🇺🇸 + 🇮🇷), so neither of these treaties directly apply as a matter of *conventional* law.
Still, it is rather uncontroversial to consider the definition for military objective established in Additional Protocol I (1977) of the 1949 Geneva Conventions & the relevant war crime established in the Rome Statute @IntlCrimCourt (1998) to reflect customary law. So we'll refer to these sources simply for definitional purposes even though neither one applies as a matter of conventional law.
First up, we see in art. 52(1) of AP I that "civilian objects shall not be the object of attack (pic 1, yellow). That prohibition gets operationalized next in the war crime article of the Rome Statute. But first let's clarify what a civilian object is.
The same provision of AP I clarifies anything that DOESN'T qualify as a military objective is a civilian object.
The next provision then establishes "attacks shall be limited strictly to military objectives" (pic 1, green). Military objectives, in turn, "are limited to those objects which by their nature, location, purpose or use make an effective contribution to military action and" ... you can actually stop reading at "and."
And why is that? Because these ships 🇮🇷 just attacked did NOT MAKE AN EFFECTIVE CONTRIBUTION TO MILITARY ACTION by their nature, location, purpose, or use.
So the customary provisions reflected in conventional form by AP I tell us civilian objects shall not be made the object of attack while providing the definition for military objectives.
But how do we know violating that obligation constitutes a war crime? Easy ... the Rome Statute says so.
More specifically, the war crime established there is "intentionally directing attacks against civilian objects, that is, objects which are not military objectives" (pic 2).
So attacking neutral-flagged ships in territorial waters of a neutral state is not only an (actual) act of aggression against 🇴🇲, but each of these strikes is an ACTUAL war crime‼️
Iran's "leverage" has been to threaten to commit war crimes in the Strait all this time, and now they actually DID carry out that threat.
There's been plenty of global news coverage of these events - but not one peep about the war crimes Iran just committed.
Yet we're STILL hearing about a fake "war crime" involving the school in Minab (not "intentional").
And THIS is how you know mainstream media is both generally incompetent AND compromised by progressive (#TDS) / Islamist (#IRGC) propaganda.
#journalisticmalpractice #legaldisinformation
U.S. Central Command forces have begun launching a series of powerful strikes against Iran to impose heavy costs for targeting and attacking commercial shipping crewed by innocent civilians in an international waterway. The U.S. strikes are in response to Iranian attacks on three commercial vessels that were transiting the Strait of Hormuz. Iran’s demonstrated aggression was unwarranted, dangerous, and a clear violation of the ceasefire.
Eli Kalika retweeted
Mehdi Hasan @mehdirhasan says he can debunk Israel's defenders in under 60 seconds.
His method? Reading a list of names really fast.
That's not an argument. That's a filibuster with a bibliography.
Fine. Start the clock.
Here's the problem with his fifty sources: it's one source wearing fifty costumes.
The UN cites Amnesty. Amnesty cites a different UN report. That one cites the BBC. The BBC cites UNRWA. UNRWA cites the Gaza Ministry of Health. The Gaza Ministry of Health is Hamas.
Even a member of his own genocide scholars association has a name for this: "citation washing."
Congratulations. You just traced fifty "independent" voices back to one terrorist press office.
Now, a few of his star witnesses.
The International Association of Genocide Scholars? $30 and you're in. Emperor Palpatine is a member. So is Cookie Monster.
Amnesty? Their own report — page 101 — calls the established legal standard too "cramped" to reach a genocide finding. The law as written wouldn't convict Israel, so they loosened the law.
B'Tselem said the quiet part louder — their report openly adopts "a broader analytical framework" than the legal definition. That's lawyer-speak for "we changed the rules."
The UN? The General Assembly passed 17 resolutions against Israel in 2024. Seven against the entire rest of the planet combined. North Korea, Iran, Syria, Russia — one each. Sudan, where actual mass slaughter is happening right now? Zero.
And here's a name Mehdi will never read off his list: Alice Wairimu Nderitu.
The UN's own Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide. Their in-house expert. The one person whose entire job was answering this exact question. She looked at the evidence, looked at the law, and refused to call Gaza a genocide.
Her reward? "Hounded, day in, day out. Bullied, hounded, with protection from nobody." Her words. Then her contract quietly wasn't renewed.
She said the pressure to declare a genocide "never happened for any other war. Not for Ukraine, not for Sudan, not for Democratic Republic of Congo."
The UN's genocide expert said no — so the UN got a new genocide expert.
Oh, and one more name he forgot: the jihadist terrorist group Hamas. The original proponent of the genocide libel — the source his fifty sources trace back to. Somehow they didn't make the list. Neither did any of the scholars, military experts, former hostages, survivors, and millions of common-sense humans united in rejecting the claim.
Instead of rattling off a list of "because they said so," how about evidence? Millions of warning leaflets. Humanitarian corridors. Polio vaccines. 130 babies born a day. The Jewish birth rate during the Holocaust was statistically zero. That's what genocide looks like.
Fifty sources quoting each other isn't fifty sources. It's an echo chamber with footnotes.
So, Mehdi's big question: Who do I believe?
Wrong question. It's not about Who. It's about What.
I believe incontrovertible evidence. Population data. Millions of tons of aid. Hard casualty numbers. Weighed against the actual legal definition — not a list of people and organizations quoting each other.
Because I fact-check.
Time.
Eli Kalika retweeted
.@Wikipedia is literally erasing Jewish history and identity, systematically and maliciously. Everyone in the organization knows this is happening -- so none of it is an oversight or an accident.
Wikipedia is a major source on which LLMs are trained. College students are more likely to read the Wikipedia article than the textbook. This is how public knowledge is shaped.













































