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#research & postgrad #education in IR, politics & development to advance the understanding of global challenges to governance in our world. @iCERCA centre.
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ALT Can the EU stay true to its values while playing geopolitical hardball on interests? That is the question at the heart of our latest piece by Dr Ivana Damjanovic and Dr. Katarzyna Kwapisz Williams of the ANU Centre for European Studies, and it is not an easy one to answer! From trade policy's shift away from "Trade for All" idealism toward competitiveness and economic security, to migration's fraught balancing act between human rights obligations and mounting domestic pressure for border control, the EU is being forced to make trade-offs it once tried to avoid - outsourcing responsibility, striking transactional deals and prioritising security in ways that test its identity as a normative power. So is this pragmatism, or a quiet retreat from what the EU claims to stand for? Read the full analysis on trade, migration, and the EU's identity as a geopolitical actor 👇 https://www.eu-values.eu/blog/balancing-eu-values-and-interests-in-a-geopolitical-world #EU #Geopoliti
ALT La relación de Francia con América Latina y el Caribe, al igual que ocurre con otros Estados europeos, tiene raíces históricas profundas, sustentadas en vínculos diplomáticos, culturales, científicos y económicos. Sin embargo, después de la Guerra Fría, América Latina y el Caribe perdieron centralidad en la política exterior francesa frente a otras prioridades, como Europa, África, el Mediterráneo y, más recientemente, el Indo-Pacífico. Pese a esta pérdida de centralidad, la presencia francesa en Latinoamérica se mantuvo, pero adquirió un carácter fragmentado: relaciones bilaterales diferenciadas, cooperación para el desarrollo, diplomacia cultural, acción mediante la Unión Europea (UE) y gestión de los territorios franceses de América y del Caribe (Guadalupe es un departamento y región de ultramar; Martinica y la Guayana Francesa son colectividades territoriales únicas; y San Martín y San Bartolomé son colectividades de ultramar regidas por el artículo 74 de la Constitución francesa
ALT When Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022, Europe responded quickly. It condemned Moscow, imposed sweeping sanctions, and began sending arms to Kyiv. Brazil went only halfway. A democracy and in many ways a Western-facing country, it condemned the invasion at the United Nations but refused to join the sanctions or send weapons. Four years later, it still refuses. What stands out is that this position survived a complete change of government. The war has spanned two presidents at opposite ends of the political spectrum, Jair Bolsonaro on the far right and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva on the left, yet both held the same line. So why did two governments that agree on almost nothing end up with the same policy on the war? The answer lies in the economic dependencies and diplomatic traditions that shape Brazilian foreign policy.
ALT How far does free speech travel, and who decides where it stops? From Socrates to the Digital Services Act, Europe has built a distinctive model of free expression: one that protects dissent while also shaping the platforms, laws, and institutions that determine what we see and hear. In our latest blog, Prof. Ramin Jahanbegloo and Prof. Rahul Desarda trace this tradition from ancient philosophy to today's most pressing digital governance battles. The "Brussels Effect," the EU's response to wartime propaganda, and the fine line between resisting manipulation and silencing unpopular views...is the EU setting a global standard for balancing liberty and responsibility online, or exporting its own compromises to the rest of the world? What do you think? 👉 Head to our website to read the full piece:
