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Joined July 2011
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แŠขแ‰ตแ‹ฎแŒตแ‹ซ แ‹จแ‰ณแŒ แ‰€แ‰ปแ‰ธแ‹ แŠ แ‹ณแ‹ฒแˆต แ‹จแŒฆแˆญ แŒ„แ‰ถแ‰ฝ แ‹จแŠ แ‹จแˆญ แŠญแˆแˆแŠ• แˆˆแˆ˜แŒ แ‰ แ‰… แŠจแˆแŠ• แŒŠแ‹œแ‹แˆ แ‰ แˆ‹แ‹ญ แ‹แŒแŒ แ‹ซแ‹ฐแˆญแŒ‹แ‰ณแˆ!
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Ah yes, Brazil โ€œproduces nothing of value.โ€ Just the worldโ€™s top exporter of soy, coffee, beef, sugar, orange juice and iron ore, a major oil producer, feeds ~10โ€“11% of the worldโ€™s population, and is one of the only countries regularly building commercial jets for everyone else.
Thing about Lula or Bolsonaro winning is that Brazil is still a useless irrelevant country of 200 million which produces nothing of value to the world. It is the Egypt & Indonesia of the West.
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This issue needs some background context to understand whatโ€™s really going on. The 16th- and 17th-century Oromo expansions were not neutral pastoral migrations. They were sustained movements of conquest and assimilation into lands long held by Somali and other Cushitic communities, particularly across the Hararghe highlands. Dir and related Somali clans were displaced, absorbed, or confederated into new Oromo structures under pressure. Contemporary Somali accounts treat this not as distant medieval history but as the origin of an enduring pattern of demographic and territorial pressure that has never been fully reversed. Ethnic federalism after 1991 simply formalized the contest. The 2004 referendum on contested kebeles along the Oromiaโ€“Somali boundary handed the large majority to Oromia roughly 323 kebeles against about 99 for the Somali Region. Somali communities and observers regarded the outcome as weighted by federal authorities of the day, an administrative land transfer dressed up as a democratic exercise. Moyale itself was left unresolved, locking in dual claims and dual administrations. The result was the progressive placement of Somali communities under Oromia administration or perpetual dispute, while the longer border became a permanent site of friction. Under an Oromo-led federal government, this asymmetry has deepened. Administrative weight, militia presence, and political influence continue to press southward and eastward into areas where Garre and other Somali communities maintain long-standing claims. The raising of the Somali Regional State flag and the opening of an administrative office in Moyale must be read against that background. It was not unprovoked aggression into an unambiguously Oromo town. It was an assertion of presence in a strategic trade hub that has never been ethnically or historically exclusive to the Borana. Oromo-side accounts cast the flag as an intrusion; Somali-side accounts treat it as resistance to further erosion of their side of the line. The unfortunate tragic death of the 13-year-old girl still disputed as targeted or crossfire then supplied the spark. The fuel was the unresolved boundary and the perception that Oromiaโ€™s size and political ascendancy are being used to complete an expansion that began centuries earlier. That expansion carries an economic logic as well as a demographic one. Prejudice against Somali claims has repeatedly translated into efforts to control or disrupt the trade corridor that runs through Moyale. The same corridor is the Ethiopian leg of the Lamuโ€“Addis route under the LAPSSET project. If the border is treated as purely Oromo territory rather than the mixed and historically Somali-inhabited frontier it is, the communities that actually live and trade there are written out of the map. Withholding trade, closing routes, or allowing militias to render the corridor unusable becomes both a tactical response to Somali assertion and a strategic means of consolidating control. Somali communities along this line have made clear that further administrative or demographic advance into lands they regard as theirs will not be absorbed passively. The flag was one expression of that refusal. Continued efforts to subordinate the border to Oromiaโ€™s map, especially while Lamuโ€™s connectivity to Addis depends on it, will of course meet organized resistance rather than quiet acceptance.
Facts and Fabrications in the Moyale Conflict Following the eruption of another round of conflict in Moyale town, social media is awash with incendiary rhetoric, false or exaggerated accusations, and gruesome pictures aimed at galvanizing support for warring factions. I have been observing and confronting some of these narratives and fake reports. Here is a concise account of what I have found to be true, as well as what has been fabricated. Factual Background => Moyale has been the epicenter of repeated clashes between the Borana and Gari communities for decades. These are closely related clans that share a language and intermixed settlements in Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya. The dispute has deep anthropological and historical roots involving territorial claims and historical grievances. However, it was exacerbated by the exploitation of these divisions by the TPLF/EPRDF government, which used to stoke clashes as a tactic to control OLF activities along the Ethiopiaโ€“Kenya border. The TPLF split the town between the Somali and Oromia regions, right along the Nairobiโ€“Addis Ababa highway, creating conditions for frequent disputes and clashes. The area has remained largely peaceful over the last eight years since the TPLF was removed from federal power. => The latest conflict erupted over a dispute concerning the hoisting of a flag in a neighborhood. A shot fired during a wrangling among kebele militia resulted in the shooting of a young female student, triggering protests. The communal anger was inflamed by social media campaigns, which then led to mobilization for armed clashes in the town and neighboring districts. => The conflict was exacerbated by fake news from both sides, aimed at escalating a localized clan conflict into a wider Oromoโ€“Somali conflict. Here are some of these false claims: 1) Al-Shabaab, the Somali National Army, and Somali Regional Special Forces are fighting in support of the Gari: FALSE. - While Somali Regional Police have been deployed in the last couple of days, there is no tangible evidence of the involvement of any other armed group from within Somali region, or from Somalia . 2) Oromia Special Forces, the Oromo Liberation Army, Gadaa Commando, and the Ethiopian National Defense Force are fighting on the side of the Borana: FALSE. - While Borana Zone police have been deployed and might have assisted, much of the fighting has been carried out by locally mobilized pastoralist armed men. There is no evidence of Oromia Police or ENDF deployment from outside the zone. As of now, the so-called Gadaa Commando (Oromia Peace Force) has been deployed only to Wollega to fight Fano and OLA rebels. 3) Transporting of reenforcement from far away : FALSE. - Some of the most outlandish claims allege that armies have been transported in โ€œhundreds of busesโ€ from Shashemene and even from as far away as Somalia. Both claims are total fabrications. Why Has a Local Incident Rapidly Escalated into a Larger Armed Clash and Intensified Tensions Among Communities in Three Countriesโ€”Ethiopia, Kenya, and Somalia? => Failure of the federal and regional governments to act swiftly. The federal government, as well as the Oromia and Somali regional governments, failed to act quickly to nip the conflict in the bud. The regional states could have deployed forces to restrain clan militias on their respective sides. If that failed, a small federal police or army deployment could have intervened and brought the fighting to an end, as has been done effectively in many communal clashes elsewhere. Why, then, have the regional and federal governments failed to intervene? Negligence or complicity? =>Competition over illicit trade and criminal networks. Under both the TPLF and the current PP government, the area has been known for cross-border contraband trade, drug and human trafficking, and illegal mining. These activities have been significantly disruptedย  six months ago following the arrest, imprisonment, or removal of senior police and military officers allegedly involved in facilitating and protecting them. This has forced illicit trade away from the main Addis Ababaโ€“Nairobi highway and onto secondary roads passing through the Somali Region, including territories settled by the Gari clan. This has resulted in bitter disputes among traders, brokers, security officials, and political figures benefiting from the illicit trade. It is believed that rival gangs are agitating for and inciting clan-based clashes to settle scores and reroute or control illicit flows. They have frequently employed this tactic in the past, not only around Moyale but also in Dire Dawa and along the Addis Ababaโ€“Jigjiga route. => The wider regional geopolitical conflict. The war between the Ethiopian government and the Tsimdo alliance, as well as its Quartet backers (Egypt, Eritrea, Sudan, and Somalia), has also played a role in the social media information warfare surrounding the conflict. Government cadres attribute the eruption of the clashes to Tsimdo, while Tsimdo- and Quartet-affiliated media outlets have been fanning incendiary rhetoric from both sides. However, while key alliance members might have operatives in the area, there is no evidence that they have been operationally involved in the actual fightingย  so far. Still, the incendiary media campaign waged from Mogadishu to Nairobi and Cairo has lent credence to the government's assertions of a conspiracy. Suggested Solutions - Urgently deploy federal forces to intervene and stop the fighting. Disarm clan militias, particularly those possessing heavy machine guns and other heavy weapons. - Investigate and remove security officials involved in inciting or supporting the conflict. - Investigate and dismantle the illicit trade networks and mafia groups operating on both the Ethiopian and Kenyan sides of the border. - Find constitutional and political solutions to territorial disputes, including those concerning Moyale. - Finally, Oromo and Somali social media warriors should chill out. This is the kind of cousin rivalryย  and occasional conflict we grew up witnessing. Do not let the social media frenzy and current geopolitical tensions turn a localized clash into a much bigger crisis.
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That admin must have been a boomer.
BREAKING: A hacker accessed Denmark's national ID database with the password "123456," exposing details of 8.8 million people
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F_Don retweeted
New aerial footage shows the scale of devastation in Gaza
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On this day 26 years ago, the world watched, as Jamal al-Durrah tried to protect his 12-year-old son Muhammad from Israeli bullets that rained down on them in Gaza for 40 minutes. Despite pleads, Israeli soldiers intentionally shot Muhammad in the stomach- whose final moments of fear and horror were caught on camera and streamed by France TV, and injured his father. Muhammad became the defining and haunting image of the Second Intifada.
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Google Maps alone cannot show you the full scale of the destruction in Gaza. I took this video a short while ago in Gaza City.
Google Maps has been updated to show Zionist-holocausted Gaza. This is part of Rafah.
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114 children all with single sniper shots to the head. Some as young as 5 years old. Read that again. They're "hunting" children for fun. #StopTheGame
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F_Don retweeted
Aliko Dangote, Africaโ€™s richest person, and Ethiopian Investment Holdings will invest $660 million to build a petroleum-products pipeline to link the Horn of Africa nation to Djiboutiโ€™s coast. bloomberg.com/news/articles/โ€ฆ
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ื‘ื’ืœืœ ื”ืขื ื™ื™ืŸ ื•ื”ื—ืฉื™ื‘ื•ืช ื”ืฆื™ื‘ื•ืจื™ืช ืื ื™ ื•ืจื—ืœื™ ื”ื—ืœื˜ื ื• ื‘ื™ื—ื“ ืขื ื”ื’ืจื“ื™ืืŸ ืฉื”ืกืจื˜ ื ื–ืดื ื™ื”ื™ื” ื ื’ื™ืฉ ื‘ืื™ื ื˜ืจื ื˜ ื‘ื—ื™ื ื, ืœืœื ื”ื’ื‘ืœืช ื–ืžืŸ, ื›ื“ื™ ืฉื›ืœ ืื“ื ื™ื•ื›ืœ ืœืฆืคื•ืช ื‘ื• ื•ื‘ืขื“ื•ื™ื•ืช ื”ื—ื™ื™ืœื™ื. ื–ื” ื™ืงืจื” ื‘ืขื•ื“ ื›ืžื” ืฉื‘ื•ืขื•ืช, ื‘ื ื•ื‘ืžื‘ืจ, ื‘ืžื•ืขื“ ื”ื›ื™ ืžื•ืงื“ื ืฉื”ืฆืœื—ื ื• ืœืงื‘ื•ืข. ืขื“ ืื– ืคื ื™ื ื• ืœื‘ืชื™ ืงื•ืœื ื•ืข ื‘ื™ืฉืจืืœ ื•ื”ืฆืขื ื• ืœื”ื ืืช ื”ืกืจื˜ ืœืœื ืขืœื•ืช, ื‘ืชืงื•ื•ื” ืฉื™ื•ืงืจืŸ ื‘ืืจืฅ ื›ื‘ืจ ืขื›ืฉื™ื•, ื‘ืžืงื‘ื™ืœ ืœื”ืคืฆืชื• ื‘ื‘ืชื™ ืงื•ืœื ื•ืข ื‘ืขื•ืœื. ื”ืฆื’ืชื• ืชื”ื™ื” ื”ื—ืœื˜ื” ืืžื™ืฆื” ืืœ ืžื•ืœ ืืœื™ืžื•ืช ื’ื“ื•ืœื” ืฉืžื›ื•ื•ื ืช ืœื”ืกืชืจืชื•. ืื ื™ ื™ื•ื“ืข ืฉื™ืฉ ื‘ื™ืงื•ืฉ ืื“ื™ืจ ืœืฆืคื•ืช ื‘ืกืจื˜ ื•ืื ื™ ืžืงื•ื•ื” ืฉื‘ืื•ืคืŸ ื”ื–ื” ื›ื•ืœื ื‘ืงืจื•ื‘ ื™ื•ื›ืœื• ืœืจืื•ืช ืื•ืชื•: ื‘ื™ืŸ ืื ื‘ื‘ืชื™ ื”ืงื•ืœื ื•ืข ื•ื‘ื™ืŸ ืื ื‘ืื™ื ื˜ืจื ื˜ ื‘ืขื•ื“ ื›ืžื” ืฉื‘ื•ืขื•ืช. ื”ืจื‘ื” ื“ื‘ืจื™ื ืœื ื ื›ื•ื ื™ื ื ืืžืจื• ืขืœื™ื ื• ื•ืขืœ ื”ืกืจื˜ ื‘ืฉื‘ื•ืข ื”ื—ื•ืœืฃ. ื”ืกืจื˜ ืžื‘ื•ืกืก ืขืœ ืชื—ืงื™ืจ ืขื™ืชื•ื ืื™ ืžืงื™ืฃ ืฉืœ ืฉืœื•ืฉ ืฉื ื™ื ื•ื”ืคืจื˜ื™ื ื‘ื• ืžืื•ืžืชื™ื ื•ืžื•ืฆืœื‘ื™ื. ื”ื•ื ื™ื“ื‘ืจ ื‘ืขื“ ืขืฆืžื• ื•ื”ืืžืช ืกื•ืคื” ืœื”ืชื‘ื”ืจ. ืขืฉื™ื ื• ืืช ื”ืกืจื˜ ื›ื“ื™ ืœืขื•ืจืจ ื“ื™ื•ืŸ ืฆื™ื‘ื•ืจื™ ืœื’ื‘ื™ ื”ืžืขืฉื™ื ืฉืœ ื”ืžืžืฉืœื” ื‘ืขื–ื”, ื”ื”ืจื’ ืฉืœ ื™ื•ืชืจ ืž73,000 ื‘ื ื™ ืื“ื, ืจื•ื‘ื ืื–ืจื—ื™ื, ื”ื ืจืžื•ืœ ืฉืœ ืžืœื—ืžืช ื”ืฉืžื“ื”, ืฉืœ ื”ืชืคื™ืกื” ืฉืดืื™ืŸ ื‘ืœืชื™ ืžืขื•ืจื‘ื™ืืด. ืขืฉืจื™ื ื•ืืจื‘ืขื” ื—ื™ื™ืœื™ื ื•ื—ื™ื™ืœื•ืช ืขืฉื• ืฆืขื“ ื•ื“ื™ื‘ืจื• ืžื•ืœ ืžืฆืœืžื” ืขืœ ืžื” ืฉื—ื‘ืจื” ืฉืœืžื” ืœื ืจื•ืฆื” ืœื“ื‘ืจ ืขืœื™ื•. ื”ื”ื›ืจื” ื‘ื–ื•ื•ืขื•ืช ื‘ืขื–ื” ืœื ืžืคื—ื™ืชื” ืœืจื’ืข ืžื”ื˜ื‘ื— ื”ื ืคืฉืข ืฉืœ ื”ืฉื‘ืขื” ื‘ืื•ืงื˜ื•ื‘ืจ, ืฉื—ืžืืก ืื—ืจืื™ ืขืœื™ื•, ืฉื—ื™ื™ืœื™ื ืžื“ื‘ืจื™ื ืขืœื™ื• ื‘ืกืจื˜, ื•ืฉืื™ืŸ ืœื• ืฉื•ื ื”ืฆื“ืงื”. ืœื”ืคืš. ื”ืจื™ ื”ื”ืชืขืœืžื•ืช ืžืžื” ืฉืงื•ืจื” ื‘ืขื–ื” ื”ื™ื ืžื”ื’ื•ืจืžื™ื ืฉืกืœืœื• ืืช ื”ื“ืจืš ืœืฉื‘ืช ื”ื ื•ืจืื” ื”ื”ื™ื. ื•ื”ื”ืชืขืœืžื•ืช ื”ื–ื• ื ืžืฉื›ืช. ืขื™ืชื•ื ื•ืช ื”ื™ื ืœื ื‘ื’ื™ื“ื”. ื‘ื™ืงื•ืจืช ื”ื™ื ืœื ื‘ื’ื™ื“ื”. ื–ื• ื—ื•ื‘ื” ืฉืœ ื›ืœ ืื–ืจื— ืฉืžืžืฉืœืชื• ืžื‘ืฆืขืช ืคืฉืขื™ื ืœื“ืขืช ื•ืฉืœ ื›ืœ ื—ื™ื™ืœ ืฉื”ื™ื” ืขื“ ืœื”ื ืœืกืคืจ. ืžืกืชื•ื‘ื‘ื™ื ื›ืืŸ ืืœืคื™ ื—ื™ื™ืœื™ื ื›ืืœื”, ืฉื™ืฆืคื• ื‘ืกืจื˜ ื•ื™ื–ื”ื• ืืช ืžื” ืฉืžืชื•ืืจ ื‘ื• ื‘ืื•ืคืŸ ืื™ืฉื™: ืืช ื”ื”ืจื’ ืฉืœ ืื ืฉื™ื ืœื ื—ืžื•ืฉื™ื ืฉื—ื•ืฆื™ื ืงื• ืžื“ื•ืžื™ื™ืŸ, ืืช ืื™ืฉื•ืจื™ ื”ื ื–ืดื ื‘ืžืื•ืช, ืืช ื”ืชืงื™ืคื•ืช ื”ืžืขืจื›ืชื™ื•ืช ื‘ื‘ืชื™ ืžืฉืคื—ื•ืช, ืืช ื”ืฉืจื™ืคื” ื•ื”ื”ืฉืžื“ื” ื”ืคื™ื–ื™ืช ืฉืœ ืขื–ื”, ืจืฆื— ื•ื™ืจื™ ืขืœ ืื ืฉื™ื ืจืขื‘ื™ื ื‘ืžืจื›ื–ื™ ืžื–ื•ืŸ ื•ืคืฉืขื™ื ื ื•ืกืคื™ื ืฉืื™ืŸ ืœื”ื ื”ืฆื“ืงื”. ื’ื ืื ื–ื” ืžืคื—ื™ื“, ื–ื• ื—ื•ื‘ืชื›ื ืœืžืฆื•ื ืืช ื”ื“ืจืš ืœื”ืขื™ื“ ืขืœ ืžื” ืฉืจืื™ืชื. ื™ื’ื™ื“ื• ืœื›ื ืฉื›ื“ืื™ ืœื”ืกืชื™ืจ ืืช ื”ืืžืช ืœืžืขืŸ ื”ืกื‘ืจื” ื‘ื—ื•ืดืœ, ืื‘ืœ ื–ื” ืงืฉืงื•ืฉ. ืฉื ื™ื•ื“ืขื™ื ื›ื‘ืจ ื”ื›ืœ. ืคืฉืขื™ื ืœื ืžืกื‘ื™ืจื™ื ืืœื ืขื•ืฆืจื™ื. ื”ืกืชืจืช ื”ืืžืช ืงื•ื“ื ื›ืœ ืžืจืขื™ืœื” ืืช ื”ื—ื‘ืจื” ืฉืœื ื• ื•ืžืขืœ ื”ื›ืœ ืžืืคืฉืจืช ืœืคื’ื™ืขื” ื‘ื‘ื ื™ ืื“ื ื‘ืขื–ื” ืœื”ื™ืžืฉืš. ื•ื‘ื ื™ืžื” ืื™ืฉื™ืช: ืื ื™ ื›ื•ืชื‘ ืขืœ ืžื“ื™ื ื™ื•ืช ื”ืืฉ ืฉืœ ื”ืฆื‘ื ื‘ืขื–ื” ื‘ืขื‘ืจื™ืช ื‘ืดืฉื™ื—ื” ืžืงื•ืžื™ืชืด ื›ื‘ืจ ืฉืœื•ืฉ ืฉื ื™ื. ื”ืชื—ืงื™ืจื™ื ื–ื›ื• ืœื”ืชืขืœืžื•ืช ื‘ื™ืฉืจืืœ. ืขื›ืฉื™ื• ื‘ืคืขื ื”ืจืืฉื•ื ื” ืžืฉื”ื• ื ืกื“ืง ื‘ืžืกืš ื”ื”ืชืขืœืžื•ืช - ื•ื–ื” ื“ื‘ืจ ื—ื™ื•ื‘ื™. ื–ื” ื“ื‘ืจ ื‘ืจื™ื. ื›ืŸ, ื–ื” ืžื’ื™ืข ืขื ืžื—ื™ืจ ืื™ืฉื™ ื’ื“ื•ืœ. ื”ื™ื” ืฉื‘ื•ืข ืงืฉื”. ืื‘ืœ ื‘ืชื•ื›ื• ื’ื ื™ืฉ ื”ืžื•ืŸ ืชืžื™ื›ื”, ื•ื”ืจื‘ื” ื ื“ื™ื‘ื•ืช. ืžื” ืฉื‘ื˜ื•ื—: ื”ืื™ื•ืžื™ื ืœื ื™ืขื–ืจื•. ื–ื” ืœื ืžืจืชื™ืข ืื•ืชื ื•. ืื ื™ ื•ืจื—ืœื™ ื ื—ื–ื•ืจ ืœืืจืฅ ื•ื ืžืฉื™ืš ืœื”ื™ืื‘ืง ืขืœ ืขืชื™ื“ ื”ืžืงื•ื ื”ื–ื” ื‘ื™ื—ื“ ืขื ืฉื•ืชืคื™ื ืจื‘ื™ื.
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It is rather heartbreaking to learn that despite efforts by many including the international community to avoid yet another round of war in Tigray, the TPLF leadership early in the morning today launched an all out offensive against government positions in Afar and Amhara. It has taken over federal controlled airports in Tigray leading to the suspension of flights to and from Tigray. The TPLF politico- military leadership has obviously taken irresponsibility to new heights.
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Max Blumenthal tells Tucker about crimes exposed in the new film NAZA: โ€œIsraeli intelligence hacked into the phones of young girls in Gaza to determine when their fathers would come home. Then they would order an airstrike on their homes and listen to the girls burn aliveโ€
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๐ŸšจHEARTBREAKING: Children bid farewell to their 31 year old mother after she was killed by Israeli army gunfire in central Gaza this morning.
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Israel is still starving Gaza. Israel is still starving Gaza. Israel is still starving Gaza. Israel is still starving Gaza. Israel is still starving Gaza. Israel is still starving Gaza. Israel is still starving Gaza. Israel is still starving Gaza. Israel is still starving Gaza.
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F_Don retweeted
Israeli drone fires on Palestinian children carrying water
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Many of these children will have since been burned alive and blown apart by Israeli weapons.
๐ŸšจHeartbreaking: A footage from Gaza, retrieved from the archives, showing Palestinian children at an elementary school before the Israeli genocide. The children of Gaza have now been without education for a fourth consecutive year due to the ongoing genocidal war on Gaza. More than 20,000 students have been killed, 90% of Gazaโ€™s schools have been partially or totally destroyed, and many of the remaining schools have been turned into shelters.
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๐ŸšจBREAKING: Gaza Civil Defense says around 100 civilians remain missing under the rubble of the collapsed building in Gaza City. It urged the international community to provide the necessary equipment to recover those trapped beneath the rubble.
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๐ŸšจHORRIBLE: A child walks alone through the rubble, carrying his schoolbag as Israeli tank fire and aircraft strike nearby in Gaza. He crosses hundreds of meters of destroyed homes, exposed to the immediate danger of being killed, just to reach his classroom. This is a childโ€™s reality in Gazaโ€ผ๏ธ
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We Must Pace the Frontier: Iโ€™ve written a new essay on why the AI industry should slow down, with a three-part plan for doing so. Anthropic is unilaterally committing to the first of these steps. Weโ€™ll provide third-party evaluators with permanent, employee-level access to our systems, so that they can verify adherence to our safety measures, report on incidents, and assess modelsโ€™ alignment during training. You can read the full post here: darioamodei.com/post/we-mustโ€ฆ
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We're publishing our most detailed threat intelligence report to date. It covers how people tried to misuse Claudeโ€”for cyberattacks, influence operations, surveillance, biology, and building weaponsโ€”and how we found and stopped them. We disrupted every operation in the report, and used the lessons from them to strengthen our safeguards. Where appropriate, we also shared what we found with authorities and other AI companies. These cases are not typical: weโ€™re highlighting some of the most sophisticated misuse weโ€™ve seen. But theyโ€™re especially important to discuss, because they show us where AI misuse is headed, where our safeguards work, and where they need to improve. Weโ€™re publishing this report so others can spot the same activity on their own platforms, and so we can give the public a clearer view of how emerging threats develop. Read the report: anthropic.com/threat-intelliโ€ฆ
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