Associate Professor at CU Boulder, Economics. Macroeconomist with interests in Computational Economics (FPGAs) and Law and Economics. Runner in the spare time.

Boulder
Joined February 2016
Awesome paper by @NunoGalo , @JesusFerna7026 , and @jlperla. I have forwarded this work to everyone who asked for a guide on how to use dnn in dynamic macro!
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Excellent initiative Robert! @vfitoolkit
LeanEconomics github.com/LeanEconomics/Lea… Current: prove existence of stationary general eqm for Aiyagari 1994, plus uniqueness for mu=1 (already known, now Lean formalized). Please feel free to join the Github org and contribute to Econ in Lean. Explain: shorturl.at/vpChP
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Alessandro Peri retweeted
Had a fantastic time teaching a mini-course on 𝗠𝗮𝗰𝗵𝗶𝗻𝗲 𝗟𝗲𝗮𝗿𝗻𝗶𝗻𝗴 𝗳𝗼𝗿 𝗗𝘆𝗻𝗮𝗺𝗶𝗰 𝗘𝗰𝗼𝗻𝗼𝗺𝗶𝗰 𝗠𝗼𝗱𝗲𝗹𝘀 at @DukeEcon! Thanks to @DanielYiXu @dix_rafael @CosminIlut David Berger for hosting. 🚀All slides+code are available here github.com/yangycpku/Machine…
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I’m glad to announce that our paper “Firm Heterogeneity, Capital Misallocation and Optimal Monetary Policy” has been conditionally accepted at @JPolEcon Here is a short thread galonuno.com/uploads/1/3/4/6…
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Alessandro Peri retweeted
I just gave the keynote at the European Finance Association Meetings. It was about how not to and how to do mechanism tests in empirical finance. Here are the slides. static1.squarespace.com/stat…
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Alessandro Peri retweeted
Thrilled that "Deep Learning for Solving and Estimating Dynamic Models in Economics and Finance," found a home at @QuantEcon. Access the e-book/code here: quantecon.org/books/ . Huge thanks to Matt McKay, @john_stachurski , Tom Sargent, QuantEcon team for making this happen!
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Alessandro Peri retweeted
Interesting discussion about the multiplicity of equilibria in financial markets, in particular in bond markets! I learned a lot from digging into the relevant papers. I think I spot a big difference between macroeconomists and financial economists. I used to belong to the first tribe, but maybe not anymore :) Financial economists price long-dated assets, like government bonds or corporate bonds, without worrying too much about which equilibrium bondholders are coordinating on. They basically just try to compute the present discounted value of the cash flows that have been promised as best they can. Bond investors who are pricing Microsoft's 40-year paper just project and discount the cash flows. They're not too worried about which equilibrium they're all going to coordinate on. Take any valuation or asset pricing textbook, and I think you'd be hard-pressed to find anything about the multiplicity of equilibria other than maybe a discussion of bank runs. Read @JohnHCochrane 's Asset Pricing cover to cover (Darrell's book was too hard for me): no equilibrium selection anywhere, at least I don't recall seeing it. Finance doesn't treat it as first-order for valuing long-dated claims. (Of course, when John wandered over into macro, he spent a lot of time thinking about equilibrium selection, but that is consistent with the point I'm trying to make. ) Same goes for John Campbell's Financial Decisions and Markets. And Campbell is not a Chicago economist. He built the excess-volatility literature. Even when finance concludes prices deviate from fundamentals, we reach for discount rates, sentiment, limits to arbitrage. Not equilibrium selection. The credit literature prices long-dated defaultable debt daily ( Merton, Duffie-Singleton, and Pan-Singleton on EM sovereign CDS ) with default intensities driven by fundamentals. No sunspots. When financial economists do focus on self-fulfilling dynamics, it's mostly on funding and liquidity at short horizons, as in Brunnermeier and Pedersen. Macroeconomists have a different tradition. The sovereign-debt literature has emphasized multiple equilibria going back to models like Cole-Kehoe (a great paper by 2 amazing economists, one of who is my long-time coauthor and mentor). That creates an important role for policymakers: eliminate the bad equilibrium and coordinate markets on the good one. (I secretly suspect that's why macroeconomists like this.) In the Eurozone, the example that people always go back to is Mario Draghi's famous 2012 "whatever it takes" speech. All he had to do is speak those words and the Eurozone ended up in a virtuous equilibrium, where sovereign spreads were much lower. No bonds were ever bought under the OMT program. Costless equilibrium selection. Not quite. Look at what actually happened over the following decade. The ECB ended up running a very large balance sheet and rolling out several programs with increasingly complicated acronyms, all of which helped sustain low sovereign funding costs in the supposedly virtuous equilibrium. In the process the ECB was engineering was large cross-country transfers, transfers that I have documented in my work with Yili Chien and Zhengyang Jiang and Matteo Leombroni. nber.org/papers/w34311 So actually, if you look at the Eurozone evidence closely, you realize that the ECB re-engineered the underlying cash flows pretty dramatically. So not just a matter of picking a virtuous equilibrium, but actually a matter of reallocating resources across countries in state contingent ways. Draghi's announcement was a state-contingent promise of transfers.** Sometimes it's enough to just follow the cash flows. Here's why I think this matters. The multiple equilibrium doctrine is part of the official line at the ECB which suppresses the price signals that would maybe force a country like France to actually implement serious fiscal reforms. It kills the only enforcement mechanism we have. If the ECB delivers low funding costs for all governments, that significantly reduces the probability of fiscal reform imo. As Olivier pointed out, counting on the ECB to intervene would be unwise, but I do think the ECB has set some unfortunate precedents in this regard. **Valentin Haddad, Alan Moreira, and Tyler Muir make this point about the Fed's 2020 corporate bond backstop ("Whatever It Takes? The Impact of Conditional Policy Promises"): prices jumped on announcement, purchases were trivial, and the response is what you get when the market prices a conditional promise; a put written on the bad states. You don't need equilibrium selection to explain announcement effects. aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.12…
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Today I read the new Stanford Encyclopedia entry on Capitalism by @chiaracordelli. It is, simply put, a bad piece of scholarship. I will illustrate it with just one passage using one of my most popular posts ever: “A guide for students of economics: Ten statements that demonstrate that someone does not understand modern economics or what an equilibrium is, and that you can safely ignore everything else they say.” xitter.cf/JesusFerna7026/status/… I quote from the entry when it talks about Hayek and Friedman. “From all these exchanges, an “equilibrium,” perhaps a “general equilibrium,” spontaneously arises in a capitalist economy.” Compare with my explanation (which builds on the tradition of Hayek and Friedman): “Equilibrium is not meant to describe the daily state of the world. It is a conceptual device used to understand the outcome of our models under the assumptions we make.” The entry continues: “This in turn means that the factors of production that are capital and labor are employed in their most efficient proportions. Also, produced goods and services flow through markets to where, at the margin, they are most valued, making these markets efficient, too.” Compare with my explanation: “Equilibrium is often conflated with efficiency, but equilibrium merely reflects decentralized consistency, not welfare maximization. Market power, externalities, incomplete markets, nominal rigidities, and frictions routinely produce inefficient equilibria. I often teach a first-year macro graduate course, and not a single one of the equilibria I define is efficient.” The article continues: “Inherently, it has no real crisis tendencies that it cannot self-correct. Capitalism goes wrong when it is politically interfered with” Compare with my explanation: “Equilibrium is sometimes misinterpreted as a static state in which nothing evolves. In fact, many equilibria are sequences of probability distributions over states driven by shocks, policy rules, and endogenous responses. Learning dynamics (Bayesian updating, adaptive rules, experience-based expectations) can occur within equilibrium if the evolution of beliefs is self-consistent.” And finally: “Capitalism goes wrong when it is politically interfered with” Compare with my explanation: “Some interpret equilibrium as a laissez-faire concept. In fact, equilibrium analysis is the foundation of modern policy evaluation. Fiscal, monetary, and regulatory interventions work through equilibrium responses (prices, wages, interest rates, quantities) and must satisfy equilibrium conditions to be credible. Equilibrium is a tool for policy design, not a barrier to it.” None of this is deep. I knew it as an undergraduate student in college. Hayek and Friedman were subtle economists who, yes, defended market economies but who understood economics much better than the author of the entry. I recently argued that institutions waste their credibility by engaging in political activism instead of scholarship. How can I trust now the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy’s entry on Hegel, for example, if the entry on Capitalism would fail my undergraduate course at Penn?
A guide for students of economics: Ten statements that demonstrate that someone does not understand modern economics or what an equilibrium is, and that you can safely ignore everything else they say. 1. “Equilibrium means the economy is stable or at rest.” Many assume that an equilibrium is a peaceful state with no forces at play. Instead, an equilibrium is just an arrangement of actions and expectations over time that are mutually consistent. It can be locally unstable, explosive, or fragile. Nothing in the definition of equilibrium implies stability. 2. “Equilibrium implies optimality or social efficiency.” Equilibrium is often conflated with efficiency, but equilibrium merely reflects decentralized consistency, not welfare maximization. Market power, externalities, incomplete markets, nominal rigidities, and frictions routinely produce inefficient equilibria. I often teach a first-year macro graduate course, and not a single one of the equilibria I define is efficient. 3. “Equilibrium is a unique outcome.” Many often expect models to have one equilibrium. In reality, multiple equilibria arise naturally in dynamic, strategic, and incomplete-market environments. Models of coordination failures, self-fulfilling expectations, bubbles, overlapping generations, and liquidity traps all hinge on the existence of equilibrium multiplicity. 4. “Equilibrium requires perfect foresight or perfect information.” Equilibrium does not assume agents know the future. In fact, equilibria are often stochastic. The definition of equilibrium only requires that beliefs are consistent with the (perceived) stochastic laws of motion implied by the model. Bayesian learning, noisy signals, ambiguity, and subjective uncertainty all fit well within an equilibrium framework, provided beliefs converge to an internally consistent (but possibly incorrect) distribution. Bonus point: equilibria are compatible with agents having diverging beliefs that never converge to a single Dirac distribution. 5. “Real economies are rarely in equilibrium, so the concept is unrealistic.” Equilibrium is not meant to describe the daily state of the world. It is a conceptual device used to understand the outcome of our models under the assumptions we make. Also, see point 1 above. 6. “Equilibrium requires agents to be fully rational in a psychological sense.” Equilibrium only assumes internal consistency: agents optimize given preferences and constraints. It does not assume realism about human cognition. We can and do define equilibria in models with behavioral biases, bounded rationality, inattention, or rule-of-thumb behavior. We only need to ensure that the resulting actions and beliefs are mutually compatible. 7. “Equilibrium eliminates dynamics or learning.” Equilibrium is sometimes misinterpreted as a static state in which nothing evolves. In fact, many equilibria are sequences of probability distributions over states driven by shocks, policy rules, and endogenous responses. Learning dynamics (Bayesian updating, adaptive rules, experience-based expectations) can occur within equilibrium if the evolution of beliefs is self-consistent. 8. “Equilibrium renders expectations unimportant.” A common misconception is that equilibrium mechanically determines outcomes. In reality, expectations are often central: they determine investment, consumption, asset prices, and policy responses. Many equilibria differ only in their expectations. This is why communication, credibility, and forward guidance matter even in fully rational models. 9. “Equilibrium excludes policy intervention.” Some interpret equilibrium as a laissez-faire concept. In fact, equilibrium analysis is the foundation of modern policy evaluation. Fiscal, monetary, and regulatory interventions work through equilibrium responses (prices, wages, interest rates, quantities) and must satisfy equilibrium conditions to be credible. Equilibrium is a tool for policy design, not a barrier to it. 10. “Equilibriums…” Aequilibrium is a Latin neuter noun of the second declension, which forms a nominative plural in “a”. It is composed of aequus (equal; the same root as equality or equity) and libra (balance or scales or the name of several currencies over history). A final thought: “equilibrium” is a term of art. Its meaning in economics differs from its use in the natural sciences or in everyday language. Terms of art are ubiquitous across academic disciplines, and the first act of intellectual diligence when one starts studying a discipline is to learn what they mean.
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Alessandro Peri retweeted
👇very happy and proud to see this in print. There are plenty of accompanying codes that should lower the bar for interested researchers to enter this exciting field.
In the new @EJ_RES Special Issue on Climate Change and Inequality, ‘Building Interpretable Climate Emulators for Economics’ by @aryanEfy, Doris Folini, @friedlale, Felix Kübler, @comp_simon, Olaf Schenk doi.org/10.1093/ej/ueaf131 @RoyalEconSoc #EconTwitter
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Interesting work!
With @matteo_sartori_ and @MarcoGPalladin1 we study fixed-term contracts in Italy. They are valuable for firms that operate under high uncertainty. At the same time, these firms are, on average, less productive. A well-known trade-off—we make it visible in the data 1/2
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If you ever took a course in economic history, chances are you heard the argument that the trade embargo of 1807, the subsequent non-importation measures, and the War of 1812 gave a big boost to U.S. manufacturers. I certainly did! This is a common argument in favor of tariffs, since it illustrates the importance of protecting infant industries. In a wonderful paper just out in the Economic History Review, Joseph Davis and Douglas Irwin, @D_A_Irwin, show that there is no evidence of this effect in the data. The trend growth of industrial output does not change. You do see some reallocation across sectors, though, as one would expect. I have made a similar argument on many occasions: xitter.cf/JesusFerna7026/status/… Are there examples of industrial policies (e.g., aggressive tariff protection) that raise trend growth? Yes. But every single one of them, every single one of them, every single one of them, involves some form of wage repression (i.e., wages below what the market allocation would have delivered). There was no wage repression in the U.S. in 1807–1815, and hence no positive effect on industrial growth. Now, remember: wage repression is a necessary condition for industrial policy to work, not a sufficient one. There are plenty of examples of industrial policies with wage repression that did not work. But without wage repression, you do not even have a chance. Link here: onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/…
A post of mine on industrial policy from last July is having a second life, so let me rewrite it more clearly now that I have more experience with X. Can industrial policy work? Yes. The East Asian experience shows it can, at least partially. But its success rests on a key condition: labor control. Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan industrialized rapidly under authoritarian (e.g., Park’s South Korea) or semi-authoritarian regimes (e.g., Japan). Wages and labor rights were systematically repressed to favor capital accumulation and export competitiveness. This was especially stark in South Korea during the 1980s and 1990s, when unions clashed with the state and big business. China’s recent experience basically follows the same pattern. Authoritarianism in East Asia was not incidental to the success of industrial policy. It was functional. No labor repression, no successful industrial policy. Let me be careful about what I am NOT claiming: 1) I am not claiming labor repression is sufficient for industrial policy to succeed. You need many other ingredients. Best counterexample? Brazil under import substitution: labor repression, but without the other key pieces, such as aggressive export orientation. Labor repression is a necessary condition. If you do not get the difference between necessary and sufficient, you have more important priorities than reading about industrial policy. 2) I am not claiming the only path to growth is industrial policy. Many countries have grown without it, or with pretty lousy and ineffectual versions of it. Best example? Spain. 3) I am not saying labor repression means wages do not grow. It means they grow less than they otherwise would have. Think counterfactuals. 4) I am not saying democracies cannot repress labor. They sometimes do. It just happens far less often, and often less effectively. Continental Western Europe after WWII was not an example of industrial policy. France and, to some degree, Italy used some, but the mainstream view is that postwar growth was not driven by it. What many of these countries used was a form of “coordinated capitalism,” in which unions accepted slower wage growth in exchange for higher investment and faster growth. That has a flavor similar to my argument. As far as I can tell, there is no clean example of large-scale industrial policy that has succeeded without labor repression. Why so many people on the left are in love with industrial policy is a mystery to me. More generally, why so many people on the left admire China, given that its economic policy is 100% contrary to what they support (low taxes, little industrial regulation, little concern for the environment, labor repression, as little economic and political power to women and minorities as possible) is even more of a mystery except for some infantile contrarian positioning (“since this is not what The Economist like, I support it”) Alexander Gerschenkron made this point better than anyone. But it was also Marx’s point about “primitive accumulation,” and Stalin’s logic in the five-year plans, which were all about repressing labor (mostly agricultural, but to a lesser degree in manufacturing too). I am not going to praise Stalin in public, but he understood economics better than the average poster on X. Read Gerschenkron. Seriously. The original post: xitter.cf/JesusFerna7026/status/…
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Alessandro Peri retweeted
Excited to share our new chapter in the Handbook of Climate Change Economics with Sam Kortum and @IshanBNath. We survey the growing literature at the intersections of international trade and climate change, covering mitigation, adaptation, innovation: doi.org/10.1016/bs.hesecc.20… 🧵1/
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Very interesting insight
Can wealth taxes make capital markets more efficient❓ Realization-based capital-gains taxes can lock investors into low-return assets We show a properly designed wealth tax unlocks capital New paper w/Guttorm Schjelderup & @ZoutmanFloris from @NHHnor 🔗ssrn.com/abstract=7125464 xitter.cf/socampdi/status/207989…
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Alessandro Peri retweeted
Looking forward to a productive week at the NBER SI Micro and Macro Perspectives of the Aggregate Labor Market. Honored to have our paper "Household Search and the Equilibrium Gender Pay Gap" (with L.Kaas, @chiaralac and H. Wang) on the program: nber.org/conferences/si-2026…
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Alessandro Peri retweeted
📯 Call for Papers: first edition of the Italian Macro with Micro Data Workshop 🗓️ October 2, 2026 at University of Naples Federico II Submit papers here: shorturl.at/rZ9jk With a keynote by the great @isaacbaley! Share with colleagues, especially if based in Italy!
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Alessandro Peri retweeted
Excellent slides on RL for Economists from the great @ben_moll, who just taught us RL+SRL at the PKU-Zurich Summer School on ML for Macro & Finance! More slides+code from the summer school, updated in real time: github.com/yangycpku/ML_Macr…
Just posted some new lecture slides: *Reinforcement Learning for Economists* RL ideas are very powerful, yet criminally underused in economics. I think mostly because RL is not typically taught in grad school -- let's change that! All materials here benjaminmoll.com/lectures/
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I am extremely happy to circulate a new paper, “Structural Estimation with Unstructured Data,” joint with Sara Casella (@SaraCasella9), Stephen Hansen, Ryohei Oishi, and Minchul Shin: sas.upenn.edu/~jesusfv/Text_… This has been a long time in the making: I presented a first set of slides (no draft!) at the ASSA meetings in San Diego in 2020. But COVID and life in general slowed down progress. Fortunately, we finally pushed the paper across the (working paper) finish line over the last few weeks. The idea, I believe, is very cool, and I am proud of how we implemented it. Can we use unstructured data (e.g., text, images, sound, ...) to estimate dynamic equilibrium models and their structural parameters? The answer is yes. More concretely, we augment the standard state-space representation of a dynamic equilibrium model with a noncore measurement block that links structural shocks to time series derived from unstructured data, and then use standard filtering and McMc to draw from the posterior. We rely on a spike-and-slab prior to let the data select which series are informative. To illustrate how well this works, we take a medium-scale New Keynesian model for the U.S. and estimate it using conventional data (i.e., output, inflation) together with FOMC transcripts (text). We document how incorporating text improves predictive performance and materially alters structural inference: the new model estimates a lower response of the policy rate to inflation, higher price stickiness, and lower price indexation, implying a flatter and less backward-looking price Phillips curve. The intuition is simple: the FOMC transcripts tell us a great deal about the Fed’s true policy function because they reflect the expectations and preferences of policymakers, even if only in verbal terms. The likelihood function appreciates such information. The idea generalizes to all sorts of dynamic equilibrium models. For example, one could use Amazon reviews alongside standard data on prices and quantities to estimate structural models in IO. Or one could use images to expand the information set of DSGE models. The possibilities of the methodology are endless. As always, comments are much appreciated.
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Exiting day, starting with the plenary of @comp_simon @unil
If you are attending the CEF conference tomorrow, and still have time on your schedule, here are two things I look forward: 1) rise and shine! 9:00am, Aula magna, keynote on "(Un)masking Neural Networks. for Dynamic Economic Models" by the one and only @comp_simon @unil
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