Geopolitics & MidEast; Pro-Palestine, anti-Hamas; Proud American; Gaza native; Director @rfpalestine; Member @CFR_org; Senior Fellow @AtlanticCouncil

Washington, DC
Joined March 2020
In an op-ed for The New York Times, I argue that saving Gaza & its Palestinian people requires resisting Hamas, weaving in personal themes, addressing issues with the Left & "pro-Palestine" movement & proposing a vision for Gaza's future Transformation. nytimes.com/2026/09/04/opini…
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I joined the LBC’s Ben Kentish to discuss how the unfolding elections in Israel are being viewed by Palestinians in Gaza, and what may actually change as it relates to the Strip’s future, settler violence in the West Bank, and Israel’s foreign policy relations VS. the limits of what to expect. @LBC @BenKentish
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Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib retweeted
Two takeaways based on exit polls: First, neither camp has a a clear path to forming a coalition. That leaves us with a simple but unavoidable conclusion: for Israel to have a government in the coming weeks, someone is going to have to break a campaign promise. It could be Eisenkot deciding to form a government with the support of Ra’am, the Arab party led by Mansour Abbas. It could be Bennett, Liberman or even Eisenkot deciding to cross the partisan line and join a government with Netanyahu. The second takeaway is that a decisive majority of Israelis are opposed to Netanyahu and want to see him out of office. Based on projections, approximately 70 seats voted for parties - Jewish and Arab - committed to ousting Netanyahu. That does not mean all 70 support Eisenkot or that they can necessarily sit together in one government. But it does mean that Netanyahu and his coalition have lost the support of a majority of the electorate.
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It’s complicated, messy, imperfect, and open to criticism; there is both subtle and overt racism, and no shortage of flaws to scrutinize. Yet none of that changes a fundamental reality: within its internationally recognized borders, Israeli democracy remains vibrant and inclusive of citizens from diverse ethnic and religious backgrounds. The idea of a Jewish and democratic Israel is both legitimate and credible, and has been successfully practiced in tandem.
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Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib retweeted
Just to state the obvious: It’s entirely possible to oppose aid to Israel— whether on moral, foreign policy, or financial grounds — without promoting the fiction that such aid, or Israel itself, is responsible for what Americans pay for their groceries.
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Elections aren't a top national priority for Palestinians right now, especially inside Gaza. Democracy is a multi-layered process, with elections being one component of that process. Elections under Hamas in Gaza & before a new Israeli government takes power would be disastrous.
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I’m thrilled to share that my short book will soon be published in Hebrew by Tchelet Books, one of Israel’s leading publishing houses, and will be available digitally and in bookstores within weeks. Hamas: The Enemy of Gaza brings to Israeli readers a Palestinian perspective on the complex reality of life in Gaza under Hamas, challenging the common perception that the group enjoys broad popular support. Blending the story of Hamas’s rise to power with my own experiences and insights, the book offers a concise account of how the terror group became one of the greatest disasters to befall the Palestinian people. It examines the historical, political, regional, religious, and strategic forces that enabled Hamas’s entrenchment, while also highlighting Israeli policies that shaped its trajectory and contributed to the path leading to October 7. I will share details on how to obtain a copy as soon as they become available in Israel. I am also pleased to share that my short book will be translated and published in four additional languages: Greek, Italian, Norwegian, and French, with efforts underway to secure a German publisher. Importantly, with the help of several allies, I am also working to have the book published in Arabic. That effort has proven challenging, as many publishers deem it “too controversial” because of its unequivocal opposition to Hamas’s “resistance” narrative and my argument and declaration that the group is holding Gaza’s Palestinians hostage to its Islamist, jihadist, and ultimately nihilistic ideology and agendas.
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Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib retweeted
ברייקינג: נתניהו אומר שהסיוע הבטחוני האמריקני לישראל "נגמר" ושצריך להיערך ל"סנקציות בנקאיות" עם "כלכלה עוקפת". *מדובר באמירות מטרידות מאוד שמשמען סוף הכלכלה הישראלית הגלובלית ע"ע רוסיה של פוטין, רק בלי נפט וגז.
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At a recent event where I spoke at a community center, a group of “pro-Palestine” militiamen appeared outside to protest and disrupt the event, along with agitated older white women who entered the venue to do the same on the inside. The organizers and I had arranged extensive security because these same “activists” had spent days trying to get the event canceled and openly vowed to do whatever they could to stop it from happening. As I walked in, a few masked “activists” in keffiyehs whispered, "is this the genocide guy?" I turned to them and said, "hi gentlemen, thanks for coming." One replied, "Free Palestine." I responded, "I agree, including from Hamas." Once I began speaking, several disruptors engaged in a steady stream of whispering, side conversations, eye-rolling, posturing, and juvenile antics. I stopped and asked one of the women why she and her comrades were behaving like children. She admitted she knew nothing about me or my work but felt qualified to declare that if I were truly Palestinian, my Nakba-surviving grandparents would be rolling in their graves. I asked the agitators to be respectful, explaining that while security could remove them, I would rather they listen to what I actually had to say, instead of relying on misinformation spread about me by the local DSA, BDS, and other "pro-Palestine" groups. What enraged me most was their reaction when I spoke about my family in Gaza, the relatives we have lost to Israeli airstrikes during the post-October 7 war, and the destruction of both my childhood homes. These white “activists” laughed and smirked as I described some of the most painful experiences of my life and the sense of personal loss that inspires my work. They showed shocking indifference toward the very Palestinians on whose behalf they claim to be acting. I confronted some of the disruptors directly and asked why they get to define what it means to be "pro-Palestine," despite knowing nothing about me and showing no interest in the trauma my family has endured. Some stormed out shouting "Free Palestine." Others fell silent. One person, despite strongly disagreeing with me, acknowledged that my views were rooted in personal loss and genuine concern for my people and shook my hand before leaving. On my way out, a pseudo-journalist known for glorifying Hamas and "the resistance" tried to ambush me with questions about whether I was paid by weapons manufacturers, oil companies, or, as he brilliantly misstated it, the "Arab Union Emirates." It struck me how absurd it is that I needed three heavily armed security officers and a bodyguard simply to speak about healing and reconciliation between Palestinians and Israelis, the dangers of extremism for both societies, the catastrophic damage Hamas has inflicted on the Palestinian national project, and the right of Palestinians to freedom, safety, and prosperity alongside a secure Israel.
🤖 Made with AI
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"Arab Union Emirates," he said 🤷‍♂️🤦‍♂️
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The High Cost of Delusion – When “Resistance” Becomes Self-Destruction: This is the insanity of the Palestinian “resistance” narrative: repeating the same failed approach for decades and expecting different results. When two selfish psychopaths in Hebron, much like Hamas’s two psychopaths in Gaza, Sinwar and Deif on October 7, chose armed “resistance” without regard for the consequences, ordinary Palestinians pay the highest price. The Israeli military has ordered the evacuation of an entire district, demolishing homes, businesses, factories, and infrastructure while displacing thousands of civilians. Unsurprisingly, many Palestinians are furious with the attackers and those who glorify them, seeing their actions as reckless, futile, and devastating for an already defenseless population. That anger is compounded by the timing: with Israeli elections approaching, elements of the governing coalition are eager to showcase hardline policies toward Palestinians in a last-minute bid for votes. And yes, punishing an entire area of Hebron for the actions of two individuals is unjust and a form of collective punishment. Nevertheless, this is the post-October 7 reality imposed by Israel’s security and political establishment: the price of deadly attacks will be devastatingly high, whether in Gaza, southern Lebanon, or the West Bank. Acknowledging this is not endorsing it. It is recognizing that Palestinians face a new reality that demands a different course. Isn’t it long past time for a fundamental shift in Palestinian socio-political discourse and thinking, one that rejects fantasies of “resistance” which repeatedly produce more death, displacement, and loss of land and opportunity? Do not turn the West Bank into another Gaza.
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There was an attack today carried out by radical Palestinians against an Israeli military checkpoint near Hebron in the southern West Bank, killing two Israeli soldiers and wounding three others. 1. The attack killed Yonatan Roytman, 23, of Ashkelon, and Yuval Svilem, 20, of Hod Hasharon. The assailants, Mohammed Jaaba and Firas Jaaba, both 27 and from the same family in Hebron, are suspected of being Hamas sympathizers. It remains unclear whether they acted independently or under Hamas direction. Israeli military assessments suggest they intended to carry out a larger attack against Israelis near Route 35 but targeted the checkpoint after failing to reach the highway. 2. Following the attack, the Israeli military launched operations in the area of Hebron from which the assailants originated, demolishing their family homes and preparing broader destruction of structures and residential areas, similar to operations previously conducted in Jenin, Tulkarem, Tobas, and other parts of the northern West Bank. The Israeli response is expected to displace large numbers of Palestinians unconnected to the attack, prompting accusations of collective punishment. Hebron, however, has long been a center of Hamas support in the West Bank despite the relative absence of attacks on Israeli targets in recent years. 3. Palestinian social media reaction has been overwhelmingly critical, with many arguing that the attack strengthens Netanyahu politically right before consequential Israeli elections while inviting severe collective consequences for communities across the Hebron governorate. This criticism extends even to people who generally view attacks on military targets as legitimate forms of “resistance.” Hamas’s praise for the attack has been met with ridicule, with many Palestinians accusing the group of once again helping bring devastation to the West Bank, as it did in Gaza. 4. Among Gazans, the dominant reaction has been, “we warned you.” Many point to longstanding West Bank support for Hamas, October 7, and armed “resistance,” arguing that those now fearing a Gaza-style campaign ignored similar warnings from Gazans. Hebron, in particular, has long been considered a Hamas stronghold. Gazans who opposed Hamas or criticized the prolongation of the war were often branded traitors or collaborators by West Bank supporters of the terror group. Many of those same voices are now fearful that the Israeli military will bring to Hebron the kind of devastation seen in Gaza and southern Lebanon. Today's attack was not an act of resistance. It was a reckless and self-destructive action carried out by individuals who expected to be celebrated as heroes within a hopeless political and social culture that too often rewards futile violence and collective self-harm. That culture must change.
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Islamist terrorists carried out a horrific massacre against Jordan’s Christian community today in Karak, south of Amman. The three attackers opened fire during a funeral at St. George Orthodox Church, killing seven people and wounding dozens in an atrocity that sent shockwaves through Christian communities across the Middle East. King Abdullah II vowed to confront those seeking to destabilize Jordan and threaten its centuries-old Christian presence. Jordanians from across the political spectrum have rallied behind his commitment to combating ISIS-inspired Islamist terrorism. Public outrage intensified after CCTV footage of the attack circulated online, revealing the cold-blooded targeting of defenseless civilians gathered to mourn a loved one. What is particularly revealing is that some of the same people condemning today’s massacre of Jordanian Christians celebrated or excused Hamas’s equally brutal murder of Israeli civilians on October 7. It is remarkable how readily some affirm the sanctity of innocent civilian life in one context and correctly denounce its killing as terrorism, yet deny that same humanity in another and rebrand the murder of civilians as “resistance.”
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بالنسبة لي لا يوجد شيء اسمه مقاومة ! هذا مصطلح مشبوه اخترعه المضللون و الاغبياء و المستثمرين في الدم و الوطن والدين . نحن شعب متمسك في أرضه ويحب الحياة و يحترم الجميع و نريد حقوقنا الأساسية بالعيش على ارضنا بسلام و كرامة مع جيراننا الاسرائليين . لا يوجد عندي أي مشكلة او كراهية ناحية اليهودي او المسيحي او الملحد في اسرائيل و ڪل مڪان في هذا العالم. القتل باسم المقاومة والجهاد و الدين والتحرير وغيرها من المصطلحات الجوفاء جريمة و إرهاب وتطرف عقلي وفكري يجب العمل على إنهاؤه . { وَمَا خَلَقۡتُ ٱلۡجِنَّ وَٱلۡإِنسَ إِلَّا لِيَعۡبُدُونِ } الله خلق الإنسان للعبادة وإعمار الكون وبناء المجتمع والحفاظ على النفس وتقديس الروح وليس تقديمها قربان . ﴿ وَلَا تَقْتُلُوا أَنْفُسَكُمْ إِنَّ اللَّهَ كَانَ بِكُمْ رَحِيمًا ﴾ الموت ليس عقيدة في الإسلام و الانتحار والمساعدة على الانتحار و القتل حرام في القرآن الكريم . ننادي للعيش بسلام على هذه الأرض المقدسة في ڪل الأديان 🕊️🕊️🕊️🕊️🕊️🕊️
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Yesterday, I joined Bret Stephens of The New York Times at North Shore Congregation Israel outside Chicago for a discussion on Israel, Gaza, and the work of hope. Roughly 600 people attended to hear differing perspectives and engage with one of the most difficult issues of our time. I spoke about the challenges posed by Hamas, the “pro-Palestine" narratives, horrendous shortcomings within segments of the pro-Palestine movement, and how current Israeli government policy toward Gaza has often hindered breakthroughs, allowed Hamas to remain entrenched, and emphasized managing the postwar phase over pursuing proactive alternatives and partnership with initiatives such as the Board of Peace. I also addressed the deep deficits in Palestinian political, social, cultural, and civic life, and the urgent need for a course correction to avoid repeating the mistakes that have led to suffering, loss of life and land, and missed opportunities. Bret discussed Israeli politics, including the elections, governing coalition, settler movement, growing radicalization, and Palestinian sociopolitical challenges. While acknowledging that a Palestinian state may not be feasible in the near term, he argued that Israeli policy must preserve the possibility of future Palestinian self-rule as essential to the long-term success of the Zionist project, particularly given that societies are capable of changing and evolving. He also warned against allowing rising antisemitism to become the defining issue for diaspora Jewry, emphasizing the resilience and strength of Jewish communities in confronting hatred and anti-Israel activism. The conversation was candid, respectful, direct, and grounded in a willingness to hold multiple truths at once. We were able to share our views openly, challenge assumptions, and model the kind of honest engagement that is too often missing from discussions about Israel and Palestine. Congressman Brad Schneider joined the event and was a valued ally in amplifying these messages. My thanks to the AJC Chicago Regional Office for making the evening possible.
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What?? Hill Top Jewish terrorists are against Zionism, the rules of the State of Israel, and are behaving like out of control militias with vast arsenals of weapons? They don't see themselves as accountable to fellow Israelis or "Infidels" as they chant? Who would have thought!
התיעוד שפרסם הערב כתבנו חיים גולדיטש @HGoldich מחתונת נערי גבעות באזור גוש עציון פשוט בלתי נסבל. כלי נשק באוויר וברקע השיר "בשלטון הכופרים אין אנו מאמינים", המזוהה עם הפלג החרדי האנטי-ציוני נטורי קרתא, די אומר הכל: אי קבלת המדינה, חוקיה ומוסדותיה. כן, השירה מסתיימת בקריאה "נשבור לציונים את השיניים". במהלך החתונה הניפו החוגגים גם שלט שעליו נכתב "דהרי – או שאתה בא או שאנחנו נכנסים אליך", בהתייחסות לאריאל דהרי, תושב מאחז שנאשם בתקיפת אישה פלסטינית באמצעות אלה במהלך מסיק זיתים לפני כשנה, ובגרימת שברים בגולגולתה. בהמשך אותו לילה הציתו פורעים יהודים רכב בכפר בית אומר וריססו עליו את הכתובת "דש דהרי ומזל טוב". לפעמים קשה למצוא את המילים...
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Haviv Rettig Gur, whatever you think of him and his views, hosted me twice on his podcast to speak about Palestinian perspective and views, no matter how divergent and different mine are. He did not condition his hosting upon me appearing next to other Palestinians who disagree with me or agreed with him, or even other Israelis; he did not set this up as a debate, but as a conversation and a discussion that was elastic and allowed for mutual learning and engagement, not "gotchu" moments, even though we strongly disagreed on a variety of subjects. On the other hand, Mr. Mehdi Hasan would not entertain talking to me after he blocked me for two years on social media unless I debated another Palestinian who disagreed with me on his platform, "Zeteo News," with him as the moderator of said debate. He was not interested in a one-on-one conversation with me as he has done with several other guests of his. You make of that what you will but it is absolutely the case that Zionists can often be exponentially easier to engage and speak with than anti-Zionists and the oracles of the “pro-Palestine” industrial complex, particularly when it comes to embracing new and diverse Palestinian perspectives outside of the militantly-enforced orthodoxies, for the anti-Israel crowd is almost always interested in making a point, never actually making a difference.
Mehdi once wrote a book about how to win an argument even when you know you’re wrong. The trick is to be manipulative and dishonest. Mehdi has never to my knowledge talked seriously about the Israeli historical experience as he demands of me for Palestinians. And Mehdi is accusing me of ignoring Palestinians in an interview that, though it was meant to be focused on the Israeli experience, talked a lot about Palestinians. I’m starting to think Mehdi isn’t an entirely trustworthy guy.
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It was a privilege to do 3 events in 3 cities and bring together more than 600 people for a different way of thinking about Gaza, the Israel and Palestine conflict, and the path ahead. Over three days in Northern California, I spoke at two community centers and a synagogue about radical pragmatism, empathy as a tool for clearer activism and policymaking, what is unfolding in Gaza, and how hardened narratives are locking this conflict into a self‑perpetuating spiral. The audiences were strikingly diverse across all three stops, demographically and politically. Some were part of the choir and already familiar with my work. Many were hesitant, skeptical, or openly hostile, with walkouts, disruptions, and protests. Yet almost all stayed long enough to hear something that pushed them, challenged them, and forced engagement with nuance, alternative views, and recommendations that unsettled their assumptions. Whether discussing Hamas’s criminality and terror, the need to reform the Palestinian national project, the extremism inside Israeli politics and society, or the influence of outside actors including parts of the pro‑Palestine movement, I spoke from a place that centers the humanity of both Palestinians and Israelis while firmly advancing the Palestinian national interest and well‑being. I am grateful to the communities in Petaluma, Tiburon, and Arcata for organizing these events and for resisting pressure from extremist voices that tried to shut them down or block the sharing of information that forces deeper thinking. I left each crowd with one message: make a difference, not a point.
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Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib retweeted
We went from “questioning Abdul El-Sayed’s ties to the Muslim Brotherhood is racist” to “actually, the Muslim Brotherhood is quite moderate by Egyptian standards, and Republicans are far worse anyway” remarkably quickly.
I've been reticent to jump into the moral panic about @AbdulElSayed's supposed ties to the Muslim Brotherhood. But I'll say a few things that should be obvious but apparently aren't, as someone who studied the Brotherhood for years and wrote several books about them. First of all, so what if Abdul's mom was involved with the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood in the 1970s? What does that have to do with Abdul? You shouldn't be judged for something your parents did or didn't do before you were even born. That's plainly guilt by association. As for the Egyptian Brotherhood itself, it hasn't been involved in political violence since the 1940s/50s and even those incidents can't really be described as terrorism, since they didn't target innocent civilians for political gain. In the decades since, the Brotherhood has repeatedly renounced violence and committed themselves to pursuing their aims through the democratic process. It's little accident that Al-Qaeda's number two, Ayman al-Zawahiri, wrote an entire book condemning the Brotherhood as lackeys and disbelievers, precisely because they had agreed to abide by the rules of the democratic game. Of course, it's totally fine to dislike the Brotherhood and what they stand for. They advocate for the application of Islamic law in politics and for a larger role for Islam in public life more broadly. In short, they're illiberal and we as Americans probably wouldn't want to live under their rule. But I don't see how one could describe them as an "extremist" organization. Their views on Islam — as ample polling makes clear — are fairly mainstream by Egyptian standards. I'm not sure it makes a lot of sense to judge the Brotherhood according to liberal, American standards. Before the Trump administration, successive U.S. administrations engaged directly with Muslim Brotherhood officials and maintained open lines of communication with their leaders, which made sense. They were the largest mass movement and opposition group in Egypt and it would have been foolish to ignore them from the standpoint of U.S. national interests. Even if you hate the Brotherhood, it should also be possible to hold the view that their members and supporters shouldn't be repressed or killed and should have the right to participate in politics and contest democratic elections. Democracy, at its core, is about the right to make the wrong choice. In many ways, MAGA as a movement is more radical than the Brotherhood was in Egypt both before and during the Arab Spring. At the very least, MAGA — like the Brotherhood — is illiberal. And the Republican Party under Trump has a dubious relationship with democracy. After all, a significant number of Republicans, including Trump himself, didn't respect democratic outcomes in 2020 and sought to overturn a legitimate election. The GOP's attempt to demonize the Brotherhood and paint with the guilt-by-association brush is just another way to vilify peaceful law-abiding American Muslims by portraying them as having foreign ties and dual loyalties. It should be rejected as such. The idea that Abdul is some secret Muslim Brotherhood member is absurd on its face. I wish the Republican Party would make up its mind about people like Abdul and Zohran, both of whom take the Democratic Party's line on LGBTQ rights and even trans athletes participation in women's sports. Sure, their faith is important to them and it influences them — but Republicans should welcome the fact that there are prominent Muslim politicians who are normalizing talking about one's faith in public life, especially after criticizing the Democratic Party for being inhospitable to people of faith.
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Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib retweeted
There was a time when Israeli politicians spoke openly and proudly about their yearning for peace. It was not a sign of weakness but a source of pride. The word even appeared in @netanyahu’s campaign slogans and was regularly a central theme in his UN speeches. In 2023, just weeks before October 7, Netanyahu used the word “peace” 42 times at the UN. A year later, that number dropped to 21, then to 13 in 2025. Last month, he mentioned it just once. And he is hardly alone. @gadi_eisenkot, @naftalibennett and even @YairGolan1 rarely speak about peace anymore. How did Israel, a country founded on the hope that one day its children would no longer have to fight, reach a point where even speaking about peace seems to have become taboo? What happened to our belief that peace was something worth striving for, even when it seems impossible? When did we stop daring to dream of a different future? My latest @Jerusalem_Post column with my good friend @LTCPeterLerner. jpost.com/opinion/article-91…
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